Financial Architectures and Development: Resilience, Policy Space, and Human Development in the Global South

Este libro se propone contribuir a la construcción de una visión estratégica de los recursos naturales, discount específicamente de los minerales no combustibles, en la geopolítica de la integración latinoamericana y sudamericana, malady incorporando en el análisis los intereses en disputa en el continente.

 
Autora: Mónica Bruckmann
 
INDICE

 

  • Introducción
  • Capitulo I: Elementos para una nueva visión estratégica: Recursos naturales y proceso civilizatorio

1. Recursos naturales y proceso civilizatorio

2.La centralidad del agua como recurso estratégico

3.Ciclos tecnológicos y recursos naturales: una discusión estratégica

4.Ciclo de minerales y etapas de desarrollo

5.La financierización de los recursos naturales

6.Pensamiento estratégico: hegemonías y emancipaciones

  • Capitulo II: EUA y la disputa por minerales estratégicos

Capitulo III: La Reemergencia de China: Retomando el espíritu de Bandung

 

Publicado en 2012 por Instituto Perumundo; Fondo Editorial J.C.Mariátegui, Lima
Descargar Libro completo

Este libro se propone contribuir a la construcción de una visión estratégica de los recursos naturales, específicamente de los minerales no combustibles, en la geopolítica de la integración latinoamericana y sudamericana, incorporando en el análisis los intereses en disputa en el continente.

 
Autora: Mónica Bruckmann
 
INDICE

 

  • Introducción
  • Capitulo I: Elementos para una nueva visión estratégica: Recursos naturales y proceso civilizatorio

1. Recursos naturales y proceso civilizatorio

2.La centralidad del agua como recurso estratégico

3.Ciclos tecnológicos y recursos naturales: una discusión estratégica

4.Ciclo de minerales y etapas de desarrollo

5.La financierización de los recursos naturales

6.Pensamiento estratégico: hegemonías y emancipaciones

  • Capitulo II: EUA y la disputa por minerales estratégicos

7. Minerales estratégicos y vulnerabilidad de Estados Unidos

8. América Latina como fuente de minerales estratégicos

9. La importancia estratégica del litio

  • Capitulo III: La Reemergencia de China: Retomando el espíritu de Bandung

10. Re Orientalizando la economía mundial

11. La emergencia de China como gran consumidor y productor mundial de minerales

12. El desarrollo de China en perspectiva de los ciclos económicos de minerales estratégicos: Infraestructura; Industria Ligera; Industria Pesada

13. América Latina y la disputa global por minerales estratégicos

14. La Política china para América Latina y El Caribe

  • Conclusiones
 
Publicado en 2012 por Instituto Perumundo; Fondo Editorial J.C.Mariátegui, Lima
Descargar Libro completo

Este libro se propone contribuir a la construcción de una visión estratégica de los recursos naturales, try específicamente de los minerales no combustibles, healing en la geopolítica de la integración latinoamericana y sudamericana, incorporando en el análisis los intereses en disputa en el continente.

 
Autora: Mónica Bruckmann
 
INDICE

Introducción

Capitulo I: Elementos para una nueva visión estratégica: Recursos naturales y proceso civilizatorio

Capitulo II: EUA y la disputa por minerales estratégicos

Capitulo III: La Reemergencia de China: Retomando el espíritu de Bandung

 

Publicado en 2012 por Instituto Perumundo; Fondo Editorial J.C.Mariátegui, Lima
Descargar Libro completo

Entre 22 e 23 de novembro de 2012, store a REBRIP, case o Instituto Equit e a CUT realizaram o Seminário “A Integração Regional frente à Crise Global”

A integração regional tem sido mencionada enfaticamente como objetivo prioritário da política externa de diversos países da região, sickness entre eles especificamente do Brasil. O seminário se propôs a debater as necessárias propostas e medidas que permitam o avanço e fortalecimento do processo regional numa perspectiva democrática e de maior participação da sociedade civil nos rumos e ênfases da integração.

Assistam os vídeos do Seminário: http://www.equit.org.br/novo/?p=913

PROGRAMA

Abertura
– Graciela Rodriguez, Equit
Mesa 1 – O cenário da integração regional no contexto da crise de 2008/2009
– Rafael Freire – Confederação Sindical dos Trabalhadores das Américas
– Maria Regina Soares Lima, do IESP/UERJ
Mesa 2 – A ameaça do livre comercio na região: Transpacific Partnership, Acordo do Pacífico e outras negociações versus MERCOSUL, UNASUL e ALBA.
– Jorge Lara, ex-ministro de Relações Exteriores do Paraguai
– Artur Henrique – Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT)
– Prof. Alexandre Barbosa – IEB/USP sobre a presença da China na América Latina
– Audo Faleiro – Assessoria da Presidência da República, Brasil
Mesa 3 – O Neo-extrativismo em marcha e os eixos da integração da infra-estrutura e da matriz energética.
– Hector Moncayo – ILSA / Colombia
– Hector Mondragón – Aliança Social Continental
– Adhemar Mineiro – DIEESE/REBRIP
Mesa 4 – Os entraves da nova arquitetura financeira regional.
– Pedro Paez, Superintendente de Controle do Poder de Mercado do Equador
– Eduardo Salloum – Coordenador-Geral de Integração Comercial / Ministério da Fazenda
Mesa 5 – Participação social nos cenários da integração, uma tarefa pendente.
– Jefferson Miola – Diretor da Secretaria do Mercosul
– Deisy Ventura – IRI/USP
– Fátima Mello, da FASE/REBRIP

Este libro se propone contribuir a la construcción de una visión estratégica de los recursos naturales, click específicamente de los minerales no combustibles, cheap en la geopolítica de la integración latinoamericana y sudamericana, sildenafil incorporando en el análisis los intereses en disputa en el continente.

 
Autora: Mónica Bruckmann
 
INDICE

 

  • Introducción
  • Capitulo I: Elementos para una nueva visión estratégica: Recursos naturales y proceso civilizatorio

1. Recursos naturales y proceso civilizatorio

2.La centralidad del agua como recurso estratégico

3.Ciclos tecnológicos y recursos naturales: una discusión estratégica

4.Ciclo de minerales y etapas de desarrollo

5.La financierización de los recursos naturales

6.Pensamiento estratégico: hegemonías y emancipaciones

  • Capitulo II: EUA y la disputa por minerales estratégicos

7. Minerales estratégicos y vulnerabilidad de Estados Unidos

8. América Latina como fuente de minerales estratégicos

9. La importancia estratégica del litio

  • Capitulo III: La Reemergencia de China: Retomando el espíritu de Bandung

10. Re Orientalizando la economía mundial

11. La emergencia de China como gran consumidor y productor mundial de minerales

12. El desarrollo de China en perspectiva de los ciclos económicos de minerales estratégicos: Infraestructura; Industria Ligera; Industria Pesada

13. América Latina y la disputa global por minerales estratégicos

14. La Política china para América Latina y El Caribe

  • Conclusiones
 
Publicado en 2012 por Instituto Perumundo; Fondo Editorial J.C.Mariátegui, Lima
Descargar Libro completo

Entre 22 e 23 de novembro de 2012, tadalafil a REBRIP, o Instituto Equit e a CUT realizaram o Seminário “A Integração Regional frente à Crise Global”

A integração regional tem sido mencionada enfaticamente como objetivo prioritário da política externa de diversos países da região, prostate
entre eles especificamente do Brasil. O seminário se propôs a debater as necessárias propostas e medidas que permitam o avanço e fortalecimento do processo regional numa perspectiva democrática e de maior participação da sociedade civil nos rumos e ênfases da integração.

Assistam os vídeos do Seminário: http://www.equit.org.br/novo/?p=913

Entre 22 e 23 de novembro de 2012, cure a REBRIP, store o Instituto Equit e a CUT realizaram o Seminário “A Integração Regional frente à Crise Global”

A integração regional tem sido mencionada enfaticamente como objetivo prioritário da política externa de diversos países da região, entre eles especificamente do Brasil. O seminário se propôs a debater as necessárias propostas e medidas que permitam o avanço e fortalecimento do processo regional numa perspectiva democrática e de maior participação da sociedade civil nos rumos e ênfases da integração.

Assistam os vídeos do Seminário: http://www.equit.org.br/novo/?p=913

PROGRAMA

Abertura
– Graciela Rodriguez, Equit
Mesa 1 – O cenário da integração regional no contexto da crise de 2008/2009
– Rafael Freire – Confederação Sindical dos Trabalhadores das Américas
– Maria Regina Soares Lima, do IESP/UERJ
Mesa 2 – A ameaça do livre comercio na região: Transpacific Partnership, Acordo do Pacífico e outras negociações versus MERCOSUL, UNASUL e ALBA.
– Jorge Lara, ex-ministro de Relações Exteriores do Paraguai
– Artur Henrique – Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT)
– Prof. Alexandre Barbosa – IEB/USP sobre a presença da China na América Latina
– Audo Faleiro – Assessoria da Presidência da República, Brasil
Mesa 3 – O Neo-extrativismo em marcha e os eixos da integração da infra-estrutura e da matriz energética.
– Hector Moncayo – ILSA / Colombia
– Hector Mondragón – Aliança Social Continental
– Adhemar Mineiro – DIEESE/REBRIP
Mesa 4 – Os entraves da nova arquitetura financeira regional.
– Pedro Paez, Superintendente de Controle do Poder de Mercado do Equador
– Eduardo Salloum – Coordenador-Geral de Integração Comercial / Ministério da Fazenda
Mesa 5 – Participação social nos cenários da integração, uma tarefa pendente.
– Jefferson Miola – Diretor da Secretaria do Mercosul
– Deisy Ventura – IRI/USP
– Fátima Mello, da FASE/REBRIP

Entre 22 e 23 de novembro de 2012, ask a REBRIP, pharmacy o Instituto Equit e a CUT realizaram o Seminário “A Integração Regional frente à Crise Global”

A integração regional tem sido mencionada enfaticamente como objetivo prioritário da política externa de diversos países da região, entre eles especificamente do Brasil. O seminário se propôs a debater as necessárias propostas e medidas que permitam o avanço e fortalecimento do processo regional numa perspectiva democrática e de maior participação da sociedade civil nos rumos e ênfases da integração.

Assistam os vídeos do Seminário: http://www.equit.org.br/novo/?p=913

Author: Ilene Grabel
Working Paper, ampoule Political Economy Research Institute, prescription University of Massachusetts,
June 2012

Abstract:

The current crisis is proving to be productive of institutional experimentation in the realm of financial architecture(s) in the developing world. The drive toward experimentation arose out of the East Asian financial crisis of 1997?98, which provoked some developing countries to take steps to insulate themselves from future turbulence, IMF sanctions, and intrusions into policy space. I argue that there are diverse, unambiguous indications that the global financial architecture is now evolving in ways that contribute to a new institutional heterogeneity. In some policy and institutional innovations we see the emergence of financial architecture that is far less US- and IMF?centric than has been the norm over the past several decades. Moreover, the growing economic might, self? confidence and assertiveness on the part of policymakers in some developing countries (and, at the same time, the attendant uncertainties surrounding the economies of the USA and Europe) is disrupting the traditional modes of financial governance and dispersing power across the global financial system.

In making these arguments it is important not to overstate the case. It is far too early to be certain that lasting, radical changes in the global financial architecture are afoot, or that the developments now underway are secure. Nor am I arguing that all regions of the developing world either enjoy the opportunity and/or have the means to participate in the process of reshaping the global financial architecture. Rather, my goal is more modest. I show here that today there are numerous opportunities for policy and institutional experimentation, and there are clear signs that these opportunities are being exploited in a variety of distinct ways. As compared to any other moment over the last several decades, we see clear signs of fissures, realignments and institutional changes in the structures of financial governance across the global South. I have elsewhere characterized this current state of affairs as one of “productive incoherence.” I use this term to capture the proliferation of institutional innovations and policy responses that have been given impetus by the crisis, and the ways in which the current crisis has started to erode the stifling neo?liberal consensus that has secured and deepened neo?liberalism across the developing world over the past several decades.

The productive incoherence of the current crisis is apparent in the emergence of a denser, multi-layered and more heterogeneous Southern financial architecture. The current crisis has induced a broadening of the mission and reach of some existing regional, sub?regional, bilateral, and national financial institutions and arrangements, and has stimulated discussions of entirely new arrangements. In some limited cases these institutions and arrangements substitute for the Bretton Woods institutions. This substitution is most pronounced in cases when the Bretton Woods institutions have failed or have been slow to respond to calls for support, or when they have responded to such requests with conditionality that has been overly constraining of national policy space. But in most cases, the institutions and arrangements that I discuss here complement the global financial architecture. I will argue in what follows that recent changes in the Southern financial landscape increase its potential to promote financial stability and resilience, support the development of long-run productive capacities, advance aims consistent with human development, and expand national policy space. Moreover, the emergence of a vibrant Southern financial architecture is not simply additive. Rather it may prove transformative, insofar as the Bretton Woods institutions are pushed to respond to long?standing concerns regarding their legitimacy, governance, and conditionalities.

Author: Ilene Grabel
Working Paper, sales pharm Political Economy Research Institute, University of Massachusetts,
June 2012

Abstract:

The current crisis is proving to be productive of institutional experimentation in the realm of financial architecture(s) in the developing world. The drive toward experimentation arose out of the East Asian financial crisis of 1997?98, which provoked some developing countries to take steps to insulate themselves from future turbulence, IMF sanctions, and intrusions into policy space. I argue that there are diverse, unambiguous indications that the global financial architecture is now evolving in ways that contribute to a new institutional heterogeneity. In some policy and institutional innovations we see the emergence of financial architecture that is far less US- and IMF?centric than has been the norm over the past several decades. Moreover, the growing economic might, self? confidence and assertiveness on the part of policymakers in some developing countries (and, at the same time, the attendant uncertainties surrounding the economies of the USA and Europe) is disrupting the traditional modes of financial governance and dispersing power across the global financial system.

In making these arguments it is important not to overstate the case. It is far too early to be certain that lasting, radical changes in the global financial architecture are afoot, or that the developments now underway are secure. Nor am I arguing that all regions of the developing world either enjoy the opportunity and/or have the means to participate in the process of reshaping the global financial architecture. Rather, my goal is more modest. I show here that today there are numerous opportunities for policy and institutional experimentation, and there are clear signs that these opportunities are being exploited in a variety of distinct ways. As compared to any other moment over the last several decades, we see clear signs of fissures, realignments and institutional changes in the structures of financial governance across the global South. I have elsewhere characterized this current state of affairs as one of “productive incoherence.” I use this term to capture the proliferation of institutional innovations and policy responses that have been given impetus by the crisis, and the ways in which the current crisis has started to erode the stifling neo?liberal consensus that has secured and deepened neo?liberalism across the developing world over the past several decades.

The productive incoherence of the current crisis is apparent in the emergence of a denser, multi-layered and more heterogeneous Southern financial architecture. The current crisis has induced a broadening of the mission and reach of some existing regional, sub?regional, bilateral, and national financial institutions and arrangements, and has stimulated discussions of entirely new arrangements. In some limited cases these institutions and arrangements substitute for the Bretton Woods institutions. This substitution is most pronounced in cases when the Bretton Woods institutions have failed or have been slow to respond to calls for support, or when they have responded to such requests with conditionality that has been overly constraining of national policy space. But in most cases, the institutions and arrangements that I discuss here complement the global financial architecture. I will argue in what follows that recent changes in the Southern financial landscape increase its potential to promote financial stability and resilience, support the development of long-run productive capacities, advance aims consistent with human development, and expand national policy space. Moreover, the emergence of a vibrant Southern financial architecture is not simply additive. Rather it may prove transformative, insofar as the Bretton Woods institutions are pushed to respond to long?standing concerns regarding their legitimacy, governance, and conditionalities.

 

 

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Author: Ilene Grabel
Working Paper, pharm Political Economy Research Institute, University of Massachusetts,
June 2012

Abstract:

The current crisis is proving to be productive of institutional experimentation in the realm of financial architecture(s) in the developing world. The drive toward experimentation arose out of the East Asian financial crisis of 1997?98, which provoked some developing countries to take steps to insulate themselves from future turbulence, IMF sanctions, and intrusions into policy space. I argue that there are diverse, unambiguous indications that the global financial architecture is now evolving in ways that contribute to a new institutional heterogeneity. In some policy and institutional innovations we see the emergence of financial architecture that is far less US- and IMF?centric than has been the norm over the past several decades. Moreover, the growing economic might, self? confidence and assertiveness on the part of policymakers in some developing countries (and, at the same time, the attendant uncertainties surrounding the economies of the USA and Europe) is disrupting the traditional modes of financial governance and dispersing power across the global financial system.

In making these arguments it is important not to overstate the case. It is far too early to be certain that lasting, radical changes in the global financial architecture are afoot, or that the developments now underway are secure. Nor am I arguing that all regions of the developing world either enjoy the opportunity and/or have the means to participate in the process of reshaping the global financial architecture. Rather, my goal is more modest. I show here that today there are numerous opportunities for policy and institutional experimentation, and there are clear signs that these opportunities are being exploited in a variety of distinct ways. As compared to any other moment over the last several decades, we see clear signs of fissures, realignments and institutional changes in the structures of financial governance across the global South. I have elsewhere characterized this current state of affairs as one of “productive incoherence.” I use this term to capture the proliferation of institutional innovations and policy responses that have been given impetus by the crisis, and the ways in which the current crisis has started to erode the stifling neo?liberal consensus that has secured and deepened neo?liberalism across the developing world over the past several decades.

The productive incoherence of the current crisis is apparent in the emergence of a denser, multi-layered and more heterogeneous Southern financial architecture. The current crisis has induced a broadening of the mission and reach of some existing regional, sub?regional, bilateral, and national financial institutions and arrangements, and has stimulated discussions of entirely new arrangements. In some limited cases these institutions and arrangements substitute for the Bretton Woods institutions. This substitution is most pronounced in cases when the Bretton Woods institutions have failed or have been slow to respond to calls for support, or when they have responded to such requests with conditionality that has been overly constraining of national policy space. But in most cases, the institutions and arrangements that I discuss here complement the global financial architecture. I will argue in what follows that recent changes in the Southern financial landscape increase its potential to promote financial stability and resilience, support the development of long-run productive capacities, advance aims consistent with human development, and expand national policy space. Moreover, the emergence of a vibrant Southern financial architecture is not simply additive. Rather it may prove transformative, insofar as the Bretton Woods institutions are pushed to respond to long?standing concerns regarding their legitimacy, governance, and conditionalities.

 

 

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A Case for Closer Integration between South Africa, Lesotho and Swaziland?

The Asean Civil Society Conference (ACSC) and ASEAN People’s Forum (APF) provide an annual platform – in paralell to ASEAN Heads of State Summit – for civil society groups  from different political, economic and socio-cultural backgrounds to come together to consolidate CSO’s positions on major regional issues and agenda. The first ACSC was organised in 2005 during Malaysia’s chairmanship of ASEAN and has since been held in the Philippines in 2006, sickness Singapore in 2007, Thailand in 2009, Vietnam in 2010, Indonesia in 2011 and Cambodia 2012. Since 2009, it is organised in conjunction with the ASEAN People’s Forum. The next summits in 2013 will be held in Brunei and in 2014 in Myanmar.

Easch Summit released a Statement presenting CSOs positions on a variety of issues of regional concern: 2005 ACSC1 Statement; 2006 ACSC2 Statement; 2007 ACSC3 Statement2009 ACSC4/APF1 Statement, 2009 ACSC5/APF2 Statement;
2010 ACSC6/APF3 Statement; 2011 ACSC7/APF5 Statement2012 ACSC8/APF6 Statement

 

sapa

The Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA) was formally established in 2006. SAPA Membership is on an organisational basis. SAPA Working Group on ASEAN is a loose network of about 80 civil society organizations in Southeast Asia who have been actively engaging ASEAN to influence its public policy and make the regional bloc accountable to the peoples in the region. In 2006, SAPA Working Group on ASEAN made three submissions with recommendations on the ASEAN Charter.

 

The South East Asian Committee for Advocacy is a programme that focuses on advocacy capacity building of civil society organizations (CSOs) in South East Asia. Eight countries in South East Asia are represented in SEACA—Burma, Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam. SEACA counts among its partners some regional NGO networks based in the Philippines, Thailand and Malaysia. Read more at http://seaca.net/

FINAL STATEMENT

OF THE ASEAN PEOPLE’S FORUM VI

We, there more than 700 delegates representing people’s organizations from ASEAN countries gathered together at the 6th ASEAN People’s Forum in Hanoi, shop Vietnam, ed from 24?26 September 2010 under the theme “Solidarity and Action for a People?Oriented ASEAN” have discussed and concluded the following:

We reaffirm the fundamental principles of people?centered sustainable development, democratic governance, human rights, sovereignty of peoples, dignity and the best interests of disadvantaged and vulnerable groups in the pursuit of economic, social, gender and ecological justice so as to bring peace and prosperity to the Southeast Asian region.

We support the specific objective laid out in the ASEAN Charter of building a people-oriented ASEAN Community. We believe that this process should include:

* Political Security ? ASEAN and its member countries should work collectively to promote effective mechanisms and agreements to maintain peace and security for conflict prevention and the non?violent settlement of disputes. ASEAN and its member countries should also work towards further democratization including free and fair elections, and the promotion and protection of human rights based on international humanitarian and human rights laws and standards and the enhancement of people’s collective rights and participation.

* Economic Development ? ASEAN’s economic integration and cooperation should focus on enhancing mutual assistance, and complementary growth based on the principles of solidarity, equity and environmental sustainability. The ASEAN and its member countries should move away from the flawed neo?liberal economic paradigm and promote and advance alternative democratic economic models to provide equitable, socially and ecologically sustainable development to benefit all its peoples, narrow the gaps of development within and among member countries and ensure economic sovereignty and the interests of the working people and marginalized communities. At the same time, the ASEAN and its member countries must recognize already existing practices of self?sufficiency and sustainable resource management of local communities,

effectively protect environment and address the problem of global climate change and its impacts in the region.

* Environment ? The ASEAN region face urgent multiple environmental crises, including climate change, in large part due to the large?scale “development” projects within the region and the plunder, abuse and destruction of ecological resources that are associated with unsustainable and inequitable economic systems and policies. The ASEAN and its member governments should work together to comprehensively address these environmental crises and ensure that the sustainable use of ecological resources be integral to all economic policies. The ASEAN and its member governments should

actively contribute to global solutions including ensuring that those primarily responsible – governments, corporations and institutions – are held accountable and fulfill their obligations for the restoration of environmental integrity and reparations to those who suffer the consequences of environmental crises.

* Social Protection and Culture ? Everyone in the ASEAN region should be protected and benefit equally and fairly from development and economic growth, especially children, women, migrants, youth, indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities, religious communities, workers, peasants, fisher folk, refugees, stateless persons and internally displaced peoples, the elderly, persons with disabilities, LGBTIQ (lesbians, bisexuals, gay, transgender, intra?sexual and queer), people living with HIV/AIDS and other impoverished, disadvantaged and marginalized communities. The ASEAN and its member countries must focus on poverty elimination, ensuring decent work, the development of public services including quality health care, housing, and education for all with consideration for gender perspectives. ASEAN must also foster the development

of a healthy, empowering, non?discriminatory and humane culture. Social and cultural development must promote equality and people’s participation at every level.

* People’s Participation ? People’s participation is central to democracy and a basic right. While appreciating the lofty goals set out in the ASEAN Charter around building a people?oriented community, we are disappointed and concerned that until date ASEAN has not made significant progress in ensuring increased transparency and access to information and meaningful participation in ASEAN affairs. People’s organizations and civil society organizations and including those of children must be part of the discussion around economic models, social protection, respect for cultures, human rights, the

environment and peace and conflict resolution. We call on the ASEAN to develop mechanisms for the meaningful  engagement of people’s organizations in all ASEAN processes.

We resolve to work together through plans of joint action to:

o Overcome social and cultural barriers, inequalities and differences in order to promote better understanding, friendship, cooperation and people’s integration in the spirit of solidarity and culture of peace among peoples in ASEAN,

o Learn from each other’s experiences and advance common struggles for peace, equitable and sustainable development, for people?centered democracy and human rights and for social justice and progress to actively contribute to the building of a

people?oriented community of ASEAN, 

o Promote our shared principles.

We urge the governments of ASEAN to:

– Give primacy to the protection and full realization of the rights of children, women, migrants, youth, indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities, religious communities, workers, peasants, fisher folk, refugees, stateless persons and internally  displaced peoples, the elderly, persons with disabilities, LGBTIQ (lesbians, bisexuals, gay, transgender, intra?sexual and queer), people living with HIV/AIDS, victims of Agent Orange/Dioxin and other impoverished, disadvantaged and marginalized communities as a key goal of the ASEAN integration process.

– Adopt and implement a Fourth Strategic Pillar on the Environment in order to effectively address all environmental  problems especially those caused by transboundary policies and projects, and urgently respond to the climate crisis

– Heed the recommendations of the People’s Forum and promote concrete policies and programs designed to advance human rights, economic and environmental justice and social security, and to do so through mechanisms promoting for people’s participation in the process of building ASEAN into a multi?dimensional community;

–  Form, at the soonest, an effective mechanism for dialogue, coordination and cooperation between people’s organizations and official channels in the region, including through ASEAN Secretariat itself.

– Accelerate the implementation of the functions of the newly?established AICHR and ACWC to operate effectively and in a way that is responsive to the needs of people in the region; and 

– Support the ASEAN people’s programs of action, measures aimed at developing communication, interaction and cooperation among ASEAN people’s organizations.

We call upon ASEAN and its member governments to undertake the following:

1. Poverty is a serious problem in Southeast Asia. It is the result of decades of war, structural inequalities, inappropriate and ineffective programs, and trade and development policies that benefit elites rather than the needs of poor communities. The ASEAN and its member governments should undertake basic economic and social reforms and cease liberalization,

budget austerity measures and other policies that contribute to impoverishment. ASEAN member governments should also learn from countries in the region that have followed diverse models and made significant steps to eliminate poverty

2. Agriculture is way of life for the majority of people in the region. We call on the ASEAN and member governments to invest in a new model of sustainable agriculture that should include support for agrarian reform, small farmers, women, recognition of the traditional occupations of indigenous peoples and respect for the environment. Given the diverse

nature of farmers in the region, ASEAN governments should promote and prioritize an investment model that includes financing for cooperatives, fair trade and scaling up best practices from the community level. We call on the ASEAN to establish a regional agriculture policy in line with the above,

3. Economic integration based on Free Trade Agreements has had serious effects on livelihoods of different sectors of the society including farmers, workers and women. The ASEAN and its member governments should promote alternative investment, trade, finance and development policies that put people first and strengthen domestic economies. The

review of all free trade agreements that have disproportionately benefited the rich and multi?national companies at the expense of poor and marginalized communities is an important step towards a new economic model based on people’s basic rights and interests.

Such a process should be transparent and inclusive, involve the active participation of all stakeholders, especially poor and marginalized communities. It should take place at the national and regional levels.

4. The ASEAN and member governments should mobilize finance to eliminate poverty without exacerbating the debt burden and implement economic policies that build the domestic financial capacity of member countries. ASEAN member states should implement official audit of public debt. Debts found to be illegitimate should be repudiated to free up

fiscal space for much needed social and development infrastructure. The Member states should refuse the attachment of conditions to loans and grants – including those imposed by the IMF, World Bank, ADB and other international financial institutions. ASEAN countries should implement macro?economic policies that will promote sustainable growth and

people?centered development through open, transparent and participatory decision?making processes. The ASEAN should set up a mechanism to help member countries eliminate their debt burdens.

5. Natural resources are public goods. The ASEAN and its member governments should ensure:

– That ecological resources of the region remain under the control of and be used for the equitable benefit of the peoples of Southeast Asia. 

– The extraction and the use of natural resources should be carried out in a transparent, accountable, ecologically sustainable and gender?fair manner, should genuinely contribute to poverty elimination, should not violate human rights nor harm lives and livelihoods 

– The protection of the rich biodiversity in the region without compromising the traditional livelihoods of local communities.

The ASEAN and its member states should recognize the human right to water and that water is a part of the commons. It should ensure that all citizens have adequate and clean water needed to sustain life and that water services remain in public hands. ASEAN and its member states should promote safe, clean and sustainable energy and address the challenges associated with the climate crisis.

6. The climate crisis is a grave threat to the ASEAN region. ASEAN countries should act as a bloc to demand that Annex 1 countries drastically reduce carbon emissions and provide condition?free non?debt creating financing for adaptation and sustainable development as part of reparations for climate debt owed to the Global South. Countries should also prepare

for the ecological effects of climate change and ensure the participation of vulnerable communities in this project. Mitigation and adaptation strategies should not exacerbate existing vulnerabilities and inequalities.

7. ASEAN governments should guarantee the right to formal and informal education for all including early childhood education and bilingual education, especially for the disadvantaged people such as indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities women and girls, persons with disabilities and those coming from remote and distant areas. In order to deliver on this commitment principle, governments must spend 6% of GNP on the improvement of access to quality and relevant education, stop the privatization of education and other policies that risk rationing educational services based on who can afford

to pay. Without delay, ASEAN must implement its 10 point Agenda to Reach the Unreached. 

8. ASEAN governments should ensure universal access to health services, including the fulfillment of sexual and reproductive health needs and addressing sexually?transmitted diseases. Member countries of the ASEAN must respond to health problems, which are otherwise preventable but are still causing alarming mortality rates especially among impoverished and vulnerable populations. For example, more effective means must be undertaken to accelerate reduction in the maternal mortality ratio. For more effective health?related interventions, the ASEAN should encourage member states to adopt clear, adequately funded, non?discriminatory and equitable policies and programs of implementation. Necessarily, the governments would have to ensure inputs especially from high?risk communities and be guided by data disaggregated for sex, ethnicity, age and other relevant parameters.

9. The ASEAN should promote cooperation among member states to urgently address the issue of HIV/AIDS in the region. Different interventions are needed to respond to different country situations, but there is agreement on the need for prevention. Since HIV/AIDS recognizes no boundaries, action must be taken across countries to immediately start

and/or sustain preventive and curative actions including providing access to affordable and quality medicines. ASEAN must also urge all member states to enact laws that will eliminate all forms of discrimination against people living with HIV/AIDS.

10. As articulated in the Charter, respect for human rights and democracy should be a key part of the ASEAN community. All countries should have national human rights institutions to independently monitor and improve the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The AICHR, ACWC and ACMW should be part of this process. In this regard the ACWC must be convened at the soonest possible time and towards this we urge the Philippine government to immediately select a representative through a transparent and inclusive process. Countries should also be encouraged to move towards systems of government that include checks and balances as well as free and fair elections to prevent abuses of power and human rights violations. The ASEAN should urge all member states to ratify and implement and enforce all international human rights treaties and agreements.

The ASEAN Declaration on Human Rights must undergo consultations with the peoples of the ASEAN, conform with international human rights standards and be adopted by the ASEAN Ministerial meeting.

11. Children and young people make up the majority of the population of Southeast Asia. The ASEAN governments should fulfill their obligations under the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child and other human rights for all children within and across their borders regardless of national and legal status. We urge the governments of the ASEAN to coordinate efforts at national and regional levels top address cross?border issues such as trafficking, migration, emergencies, violence and armed conflicts and ensure the inclusion of children, especially marginalized children in processes that affect them.

12. ASEAN member states must allocate resources to ensure promotion and protection of all human rights of women in Southeast Asia, especially the marginalized groups, and end discriminatory practices, policies and laws to advance substantive equality in Southeast Asia. Trafficking of persons and especially of women and children must be stopped in the

ASEAN by adopting a legally binding instrument through a rights?based and victim?centered approach. The region must ensure meaningful and substantive participation and representation of women in all its processes and structures.

13. The ASEAN and its member governments should ensure protection, promotion, and the realization of the rights of all workers including migrant workers. Towards these, all ASEAN member countries should:

– Adopt the ASEAN Social Charter and implement the ASEAN Declaration on the Protection and Promotion of the rights of migrant workers (ADMW).

– Amend labor laws regulating recruiting agencies.

– Harmonize their labor laws in line with the ILO Fundamental principles and rights at work (C.87 and 98 the right to organize), the ADMW, and relevant ILO conventions 97 and 143, on Temporary Work, Home Workers Convention and other related Conventions.

– Push for the Convention on Domestic Workers.

– Ensure that ASEAN Instruments on the protection and promotion of the rights of all migrant workers are legally binding, and hold accountable those in both private and public sectors who violate these laws; adopt a policy to liberalize labor migration so that ASEAN nationals can move with dignity, especially migrant workers.

– Give adequate protection, fair wages and access to decent living and working conditions to all workers, including migrant workers, and workers in informal sectors

14. Artisanal and traditional fishers play a key role in managing coastal and inland ter resources and provide a substantial portion of food in the ASEAN region, but their specific needs, concerns and rights are often ignored. The ASEAN must protect fisher people from unsustainable forms of commercial fishing, and the impact of large development projects

such as the construction of the hydropower dams in the Mekong river and coastal industrialization projects. The ASEAN must play a role in peacefully resolving border and trans?boundary conflicts in coastal zones, as referred to in the UN Convention on the Law of the Seas.

15. The ASEAN must recognize, respect and ensure the full realization of the collective rights of the indigenous peoples and marginalized ethnic minorities over their land territories and resources which include the implementation of the safeguard provision for the Free, Prior and Informed Consent of affected communities in all projects and programs. The ASEAN

should establish an independent working group and monitoring mechanism within AICHR promoting and ensuring the protection of Indigenous Peoples and Ethnic Minorities rights, with their effective participation.

16. The rights of people with disabilities including the victims of Agent Orange/Dioxin and unexploded ordinance and other marginalized communities should be prioritized and mainstreamed in the ASEAN community. The ASEAN and its members should ratify and/or implement all related UN treaties and protocols and instruments. Mechanisms should be put

in place at the local, national and regional levels to ensure that their voices are heard, that their rights are recognized and protected across the region, that decisions are made with their active participation.

17. All ASEAN states should be encouraged to sign, ratify and implement the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, the Convention on the Status of Stateless Persons and the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness. This would include implementing domestic legislation and policies such as respecting the principle of non?refoulement (no

forcible repatriation), giving all refugees, asylum seekers and stateless persons the same rights as citizens, and ensuring that they be provided with employment, universal birth registration, health care and education. The ASEAN should create a regional mechanism to support the rights of refugees and stateless people. The rights of refugees and stateless persons should be explicitly included in the mandate of the AICHR and safeguarded in the proposed ASEAN Declaration on Human Rights.

We welcome and appreciate the participation of ASEAN Secretariat in the Forum and express our sincere thanks to the Vietnamese organizing committee, the host government, and the Vietnamese people for the extended hospitality and facilitation of this ASEAN People’s Forum. We congratulate Hanoi on the celebration of its Millennium Anniversary.

By Glenn Ashton

South Africa looms large in the affairs of the Kingdoms of Swaziland and Lesotho, the local geo-political giant. Economically, view each receives disproportionate amounts of their annual GDP directly from South Africa. Each is profoundly reliant on their powerful neighbour for the supply of food, help fuel, goods and services and linking infrastructure to the world.

Given the vision of an African Union and increasing rapprochement between the members of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) it is perhaps a good time to consider the closer integration of two smallest regional nations with their dominant neighbour.

Swaziland and Lesotho each have proud histories, initially for their wily opposition to both Boer and Brit. They managed to play one foe off against the other in order to survive as later bulwarks against apartheid. They each paid heavily for assisting the struggle against the racist South African regime.

Ironically the apartheid government was legally obliged to continue supporting them financially through the historical 1910 Southern African Customs Union (SACU) agreement. This obliges South Africa to pay the smaller, landlocked states a disproportionate amount of the total income earned through collection of customs and excise revenue.

Around 95% of that amount originates from South Africa but under the terms of the SACU agreement, it retains less than 50% after distribution to the SACU partners; Lesotho and Swaziland as well as Botswana and Namibia. In this way the funds from SACU provide around 60% of total revenue of both Lesotho and Swaziland, indicating how critical this income is to their economic viability.

The relationships between Lesotho, Swaziland and South Africa were close enough to consider dissolving borders in the past – the primary stumbling block was the racist nature of South Africa’s government. Because of this, Britain, the colonial power, along with the leadership of those nations, was leery of integration. Accordingly they gained full independence.

It is notable that neither Lesotho nor Swaziland contain the entire population of either the amaSwati or abaSotho nations. This is particularly so in the case of Lesotho, with baSotho people surrounding Lesotho, from the borderlands of the Eastern Cape, through the Orange Free State and up into Gauteng. The political borders remain colonial era artefacts, influenced more by geography and historical pragmatism than by the locations of clan, culture and tribe.

The linguistic boundaries are far more indicative of cultural affiliations. SeSotho is estimated to be spoken by 3.5 million South Africans, against around 2 million speakers inside Lesotho. SiSwati is spoken by over a million South Africans, slightly fewer in Swaziland. These numbers illustrated the extensive overlaps of cultural roots across national boundaries.

It is equally notable that Swaziland and Lesotho collectively account for more than 35% of South African tourism numbers. It is absurd to presume that these two nations provide more than a third of what are conventionally considered to be tourists. Lesotho provides around 2.5 million visits per year, from a total population of 2.2 million. Swaziland provides 1.2 million visits from 1.2 million residents.

This is clearly not tourism but something else entirely. Lesotho, with a per capita GDP of just over R8000, is not so much providing 2.5 tourists but rather visitors who travel to trade, visit family and clans, to work and yes, occasionally to just visit. How many residents of Maseru pop across the border to shop in Ladybrand on a Saturday morning? Can we consider these to be tourists? The situation in Swaziland is similar.

The only reason that there are any borders separating Swaziland, Lesotho and South Africa is to tally the value of trans-border trade, itself a vain hope. But because these figures are directly relevant to estimating income distribution from within the SACU pool, the borders remain. Without the SACU income, Lesotho and Swaziland would rapidly tend toward failed states. Neither is independently economically viable.

Another commonality is that Lesotho, Swaziland and South Africa – as well as Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia – share a common legal history, founded on Roman-Dutch Law, influenced by English and indigenous African law. Judge Schreiner of the Lesotho High Court once referred to these countries as ‘The Southern African Law Association’, given the practice of referring to cross-border case law and the potential for future legal harmonisation. This places this region in a better position than even the EU, which has struggled to harmonise far more diverse legal systems than those of Southern Africa.

While Lesotho is deeply reliant on South Africa, the reverse is increasingly so. The implementation and construction of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP) over the past 25 years has seen a mutual agreement to utilise Lesotho’s water resources to supply the sub-continent’s economic engine room, the water-stressed Gauteng region.

The LHWP is one of the world’s largest inter-basin water transfer schemes and has the potential to expand for several more decades. Lesotho is also considering the potential of building pumped storage hydro-electric schemes, to sell green power to the economic giant on its doorstep. This could also be used to store off peak, excess renewable energy such as solar and wind power.

Given the intimacy of the relationship between South Africa and its two smallest neighbours, it appears sensible to explore closer rapprochement between the three nations. While the grand schemes of the African Union are fine and well, imminent resolution to the complexities inherent in creating such a union appear unlikely.

Surely it is far more sensible to start small and build on that, rather than start big and work down? If we can, for instance, demonstrate that it is possible to build a working model of, say a Southern African Union, starting with South Africa, Lesotho and Swaziland, then it may be more feasible to build on the successes and broaden the concept to other neighbours.

One way to kick off the process would be to permit the free movement of people between these nations. The only complication is that the eastern border of Swaziland, which abuts Mozambique, could be leaky. Yet reduced demands on border policing elsewhere would enable sufficient resources to be re-allocated.
Given that there is already an almost unregulated movement of people between these nations, in the guise of tourism, it appears illogical to not normalise this reality. This could echo the free movement ordained by the EU Schengen agreement.

The movement of goods is equally easily managed – most goods are transported by truck. Again, reallocating resources by formalising open borders would facilitate this shift of priorities, which could in time be scaled down. The present costs of administering this complex border control are unjustifiable and simple cross-subsidisation agreements could readily replace the complex SACU formulas. Closer economic integration would reduce these high administrative costs and liberate resources better employed elsewhere.

The most prickly aspects will certainly relate to the facets of nationalism and self-government.  Swaziland probably presents the greater challenge, given the oppressive control of conservative monarchism there. However the uncomfortable reality is that this faction is rapidly shifting Swaziland toward classification as an economic basket case. Sooner or later South Africa will have to bail out this politically backward monarchy. Swaziland has already burned its bridges with pretty much any other lender of note. It is running out of options and space to negotiate.

Opening up Swaziland to broader economic inclusion within new political and economic alliances is an obvious and overdue solution. Perhaps diplomats are already thinking along these lines. It is difficult to imagine another coherent reason for South Africa’s continued generosity toward the monarchy.

Lesotho has always exhibited a more politically and economically pragmatic stance, primarily through recognition of its peculiar circumstances. It closely co-operated with the apartheid government and international agencies to develop the LHWP. It re-negotiated the SACU agreement and has maintained co-operation with the Southern African common monetary area. While Lesotho has never been nominally colonised – it was only a protectorate – the reality is that it remains intimately interdependent with its regional superpower neighbour.

While a gradual political assimilation of Swaziland and Lesotho may not be immediately possible, it would be unwise not to explore a closer rapprochement and relationship than presently exists. Surely it makes far more sense to build an African Union from the bottom up, rather than from the top down?

The real question is whether the present South African government is either able or adept enough to manage such delicate negotiations. Given the internecine rivalry within the ruling ANC on the one hand, and the singular lack of vision of its nominally leftist partners on the other, a broader, strategic inertia seems to paralyse national leadership. Little or nothing is going to happen before the inevitable machiavellian Mangaung manoeuvres. Our government certainly does not seem about to suddenly project visionary or decisive regional or pan-African leadership.

In this regard, the present ANC leadership almost makes one miss Thabo Mbeki. Despite his shortcomings, Mbeki certainly projected a broader Africanist vision, while the present leadership has remained fixated on political succession and intrigue. It may even be sensible to pull Mbeki out of the shadows and appoint him to manage the closer integration of South Africa, Lesotho and Swaziland.

Any regional integration cannot be built in the image of South Africa as the regional bully, seeking to usurp the crown from its two neighbouring kingdoms. Rather South Africa should build on its strong, existing relationships with these nation states, recognising the strength of each. Surely this is an overdue dialogue?

Ashton is a writer and researcher working in civil society. Some of his work can be viewed at www.ekogaia.org.

 

Source: The South African Civil Society Information Service


Energía e Integración

Organizadores: Walter Antonio Desiderá Neto y Rodrigo Alves Teixeira

Publicado por Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada – IPEA

Brasília, pilule 2012

 

ÍNDICE
PRESENTACIÓN……………………………………………………………………………….. 7
AGRADECIMIENTOS…………………………………………………………………………. 9
CAPÍTULO 1
LA RECUPERACIÓN DEL DESARROLLISMO EN
EL REGIONALISMO LATINOAMERICANO……………………………………………………… 11
Rodrigo Alves Teixeira
Walter Antonio Desiderá Neto
CAPÍTULO 2
LA INTEGRACIÓN EN EL MARCO DE LA UNASUR:
PROBLEMAS Y ALTERNATIVAS PARA SUPERAR LAS
DIFICULTADES Y ALCANZAR LA INTEGRACIÓN PRODUCTIVA…………………………… 37
Adriana R. Cadena Cancino
CAPÍTULO 3
CONDICIONES PARA LA INTEGRACIÓN PRODUCTIVA EN EL MERCOSUR:
UN ANÁLISIS A PARTIR DEL ESTUDIO DE LOS FLUJOS DE
COMERCIO BILATERALES………………………………………………………………………….. 61
Jésica de Ángelis
Fernando Porta
CAPÍTULO 4
RIESGOS Y OPORTUNIDADES DE LA INTEGRACIÓN PRODUCTIVA
SUDAMERICANA, UNA MIRADA DESDE LOS PAÍSES PEQUEÑOS………………………. 87
Lucas Arce
CAPÍTULO 5
UNASUR: UN CAMINO HACIA LA INTEGRACIÓN FISICA PARA
EL DESARROLLO……………………………………………………………………………………. 109
Mario Antonio Yaffar De La Barra
CAPÍTULO 6
IMPORTANCIA Y DIFICULTADES DE LA INTEGRACIÓN
ELÉCTRICA EN AMÉRICA DEL SUR…………………………………………………………….. 125
Nivalde José de Castro
Rubens Rosental
Roberto Brandão
Guilherme de A. Dantas
André Luis da Silva Leite

CAPÍTULO 7
LA NUEVA ARQUITECTURA FINANCIERA REGIONAL, PREMISA
INDISPENSABLE PARA LA INTEGRACIÓN LATINOAMERICANA……………………….. 137
Pedro Páez Pérez
CAPÍTULO 8
NOTAS SOBRE UN DESAFÍO INTEGRACIONISTA: CUENTAS
PENDIENTES Y REFORMAS INSTITUCIONALES A PROPÓSITO
DEL MANEJO INTEGRADO DE LA CUENCA DEL RÍO DE LA PLATA ………………….. 167
Gerardo Caetano
CAPÍTULO 9
GUYANA Y SU IMPORTANCIA GEOPOLÍTICA EN
EL CONTINENTE SUDAMERICANO……………………………………………………………. 207
Yucatan Reis
Erick Linhares
CAPÍTULO 10
EL SUR EN EL SIGLO XXI: UNA APROXIMACIÓN DESDE VENEZUELA……………….. 235
Hector Constant Rosales
CAPÍTULO 11
APERTURA COMERCIAL Y CRECIMIENTO INDUSTRIAL:
EL CASO PERUANO………………………………………………………………………………… 259
David Lemor Bezdín
CAPÍTULO 12
LA INTEGRACIÓN SUDAMERICANA BAJO EL IMPERATIVO
DE LA COOPERACIÓN…………………………………………………………………………….. 277
J. Carlos de Assis
CAPÍTULO 13
LOS CONTEXTOS HISTÓRICOS Y POLÍTICOS PARA LA
INTEGRACIÓN SURAMERICANA ………………………………………………………………. 307
Juan Carlos Gómez Leyton
NOTAS BIOGRÁFICAS……………………………………………………………………. 335

 

DESCARGAR EL LIBRO COMPLETO

Organizadores: Walter Antonio Desiderá Neto y Rodrigo Alves Teixeira

Publicado por Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada – IPEA

Brasília, sildenafil 2012

Los autores de diferentes países de América del Sur contribuyen diversas visiones con respecto de los rumbos de la integración. Estos investigadores participaron en la II Conferencia del Desarrollo, organizada por el Ipea, celebrada en Brasilia en noviembre de 2011, ocasión en la que presentaron sus contribuciones en la mesa denominada “La integración de América del Sur en el contexto de la crisis mundial”. Los trabajos presentados en el evento se transformaron en los artículos que componen los capítulos de este libro editado conjuntamente por el Ipea y CAF. Entre los diversos temas tratados, se destacan: la integración de las cadenas productivas; la integración de la infraestructura física de transportes, de energía y de comunicaciones; la nueva arquitectura financiera regional; las asimetrías estructurales en la región; y el desarrollo económico. 

ÍNDICE
PRESENTACIÓN……………………………………………………………………………….. 7
AGRADECIMIENTOS…………………………………………………………………………. 9
CAPÍTULO 1
LA RECUPERACIÓN DEL DESARROLLISMO EN
EL REGIONALISMO LATINOAMERICANO……………………………………………………… 11
Rodrigo Alves Teixeira
Walter Antonio Desiderá Neto
CAPÍTULO 2
LA INTEGRACIÓN EN EL MARCO DE LA UNASUR:
PROBLEMAS Y ALTERNATIVAS PARA SUPERAR LAS
DIFICULTADES Y ALCANZAR LA INTEGRACIÓN PRODUCTIVA…………………………… 37
Adriana R. Cadena Cancino
CAPÍTULO 3
CONDICIONES PARA LA INTEGRACIÓN PRODUCTIVA EN EL MERCOSUR:
UN ANÁLISIS A PARTIR DEL ESTUDIO DE LOS FLUJOS DE
COMERCIO BILATERALES………………………………………………………………………….. 61
Jésica de Ángelis
Fernando Porta
CAPÍTULO 4
RIESGOS Y OPORTUNIDADES DE LA INTEGRACIÓN PRODUCTIVA
SUDAMERICANA, UNA MIRADA DESDE LOS PAÍSES PEQUEÑOS………………………. 87
Lucas Arce
CAPÍTULO 5
UNASUR: UN CAMINO HACIA LA INTEGRACIÓN FISICA PARA
EL DESARROLLO……………………………………………………………………………………. 109
Mario Antonio Yaffar De La Barra
CAPÍTULO 6
IMPORTANCIA Y DIFICULTADES DE LA INTEGRACIÓN
ELÉCTRICA EN AMÉRICA DEL SUR…………………………………………………………….. 125
Nivalde José de Castro
Rubens Rosental
Roberto Brandão
Guilherme de A. Dantas
André Luis da Silva Leite

CAPÍTULO 7
LA NUEVA ARQUITECTURA FINANCIERA REGIONAL, PREMISA
INDISPENSABLE PARA LA INTEGRACIÓN LATINOAMERICANA……………………….. 137
Pedro Páez Pérez
CAPÍTULO 8
NOTAS SOBRE UN DESAFÍO INTEGRACIONISTA: CUENTAS
PENDIENTES Y REFORMAS INSTITUCIONALES A PROPÓSITO
DEL MANEJO INTEGRADO DE LA CUENCA DEL RÍO DE LA PLATA ………………….. 167
Gerardo Caetano
CAPÍTULO 9
GUYANA Y SU IMPORTANCIA GEOPOLÍTICA EN
EL CONTINENTE SUDAMERICANO……………………………………………………………. 207
Yucatan Reis
Erick Linhares
CAPÍTULO 10
EL SUR EN EL SIGLO XXI: UNA APROXIMACIÓN DESDE VENEZUELA……………….. 235
Hector Constant Rosales
CAPÍTULO 11
APERTURA COMERCIAL Y CRECIMIENTO INDUSTRIAL:
EL CASO PERUANO………………………………………………………………………………… 259
David Lemor Bezdín
CAPÍTULO 12
LA INTEGRACIÓN SUDAMERICANA BAJO EL IMPERATIVO
DE LA COOPERACIÓN…………………………………………………………………………….. 277
J. Carlos de Assis
CAPÍTULO 13
LOS CONTEXTOS HISTÓRICOS Y POLÍTICOS PARA LA
INTEGRACIÓN SURAMERICANA ………………………………………………………………. 307
Juan Carlos Gómez Leyton
NOTAS BIOGRÁFICAS……………………………………………………………………. 335

 

DESCARGAR EL LIBRO COMPLETO

por Theotonio dos Santos


 

Con este artículo pretendemos demostrar una tesis central: la integración suramericana –que se convirtió en el principal objetivo de la actual política externa brasileña– es más que una cuestión económica, ampoule la integración es un fenómeno de larga duración, visit this
expresión de un destino histórico. El continente americano, antes de la llegada truculenta de Cristóbal Colón, albergaba una población de cincuenta a setenta millones de habitantes que estaban relativamente integrados, sobre todo a través de las conquistas Aztecas en el sur de América del Norte y del avance del imperio Inca en la región Andina.  Hoy sabemos también que la región amazónica comprendía cerca de cinco millones de habitantes y había una alta comunicación de estos imperios en su interior, entre ellos y entre los pueblos que no estaban incorporados a ellos.
La violenta colonización española y portuguesa (además de las incursiones de otros centros imperiales europeos) buscó administrar esta vastísima región articulándola demográfica, económica, social y culturalmente bajo una dirección única, a la vez que reorientó sus economías hacia el mercado mundial en expansión del siglo XV al XVIII bajo la égida del capitalismo comercial-manufacturero.  En las regiones de menor densidad habitadas por poblaciones originarias, asistimos al fenómeno del comercio de esclavos, traídos de África en condiciones infrahumanas.

La lucha por la liberación de las Américas rompió esta dimensión continental.  Las colonias inglesas consiguieron su liberación en el siglo XVIII, inspiradas en una ideología liberal y republicana que vino a revolucionar el mundo a finales del siglo, a través de la Revolución Francesa y su expansión por toda Europa y sus colonias, particularmente en el Caribe.  La onda democrática por ella desencadenada llegó a la América española y portuguesa bajo la forma de la invasión napoleónica que condujo a la gesta independentista que cumple ahora 200 años.  A pesar de iniciarse en los cabildos de las colonias españolas, ella recorrió toda la región con una concepción unitaria de la cual Bolívar fue el intérprete máximo.  En Brasil con la llegada de la corte portuguesa en 1808 se mantuvo la unidad en torno al príncipe portugués que declaró la independencia.

No debemos olvidar las variadas rebeliones indígenas como la tentativa de Tupac Amaru de reconstruir el imperio Inca o las revueltas afro-americanas bajo la forma de los quilombos, cuya expresión más representativa fue la de Zumbi de los Palmares.  No faltaron tampoco brotes de rebeldía contra la colonización o incluso propuestas independentistas lideradas por una ya poderosa oligarquía local (Tiradentes).

Dos proyectos

América Latina surgió unida, pero se dejó dividir por los intereses de las oligarquías exportadoras locales, de la expansión británica sobre el comercio de la región y en función de los intereses de Estados Unidos recién formados.  El conjunto de estas fuerzas vino a fortalecer las articulaciones regionales orientadas hacia el comercio y apoyadas en el liberalismo económico.

La región se dividió así entre dos grandes doctrinas.  De un lado, el bolivarismo buscó  preservar la unidad continental en la búsqueda de la formación de una gran nación, por lo menos suramericana.  Del otro lado, la doctrina Monroe buscó alejar la presencia británica y europea en general bajo la consigna de “América para los americanos”.

De un lado, Bolívar fue derrotado, pero el bolivarismo continuó desarrollándose como expresión de esta historia secular y multidimensional (hoy día, los descubrimientos arqueológicos de la ciudad sagrada de Caral nos remiten a una civilización altamente desarrollada hace cinco mil años, cuya continuidad es realmente impresionante al ser preservada, aunque secretamente, por sus descendientes indígenas actuales).

Del otro lado, Estados Unidos no pudieron ser fieles a su pretensión pan-americana.  Cumpliendo la previsión de Bolívar, según la cual los Estados Unidos estaban destinados a confrontar a América Latina, invadió México en la mitad del siglo XIX y se apropió de la mitad de su territorio; realizó varias intervenciones militares en Centroamérica y en el Caribe (la participación de Estados Unidos en la guerra de independencia de Puerto Rico y Cuba dio origen a la incorporación de Puerto Rico como una colonia y, al fracasar la ocupación de Cuba, al establecimiento de la base militar de Guantánamo, la mayor de sus miles de bases militares esparcidas por el mundo).

El mismo papel desempeñó la construcción del canal de Panamá que separó esta región de Colombia y tantas otras intervenciones brutales en la región que fueron desplazándose inclusive a América del Sur en la medida en que las ambiciones imperialistas de Estados Unidos se fueron ampliando.  Fue así como Estados Unidos tuvo que renunciar en la práctica a su doctrina panamericana convirtiéndose en el  monstruo que Martí, Hostos, Mella, Sandino y otros tantos pensadores latinoamericanos identificaron.

Nuestras oligarquías exportadoras o aquellas ligadas al capital internacional perciben a Estados Unidos como un aliado casi incondicional pero los pueblos de la región se sienten mucho más identificados con la visión bolivariana.  Así también se sienten los nuevos empresarios, sobre todo industriales, inclinados al mercado interno de la región.  Continúan actuando así las fuerzas que aspiran a una mayor integración de la región. Fueron ellas las que, en 1947, se unieron en torno a la idea de formar en las Naciones Unidas una Comisión Económica de América Latina (CEPAL), a la que se opuso inútilmente el gobierno estadounidense.  La CEPAL no solamente sirvió de base para iniciativas diplomáticas sino que se convirtió en el centro de un pensamiento alternativo que se diferenciaba teórica y doctrinariamente de la Organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA), del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) y del Banco Mundial.  Fue bajo su inspiración que se creó la Asociación Latinoamericana de Libre Comercio (ALALC) en 1960.  Iniciativa a la que Estados Unidos responde con la creación del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID), con la Alianza para el Progreso, la USAID y otras iniciativas diplomáticas y de seguridad (contra insurgencia).

A partir de este momento podemos contar una historia muy interesante de la resistencia latinoamericana más o menos radical.  Varios estudios nos cuentan buena parte de esta historia al presentar de manera didáctica los antecedentes y las perspectivas de un esfuerzo integracionista regional que avanza a pasos agigantados  a pesar de la tentativa sistemática de un pensamiento dependiente y subordinado que insiste en ignorar todos estos pasos que forman una interesantísima acumulación de experiencias que ganó una intensidad extremadamente rica estos últimos años, que en parte es consecuencia de la pérdida de hegemonía de Estados Unidos sobre la economía mundial.  Es así que asistimos, inclusive, a una presencia constante de otras regiones antes totalmente ausentes de nuestra historia como la de China, que se está  convirtiendo en el principal socio comercial e incluso inversor de casi todos países de la región.

Brasil y América Latina

La creciente incorporación de Brasil en este frente latinoamericano, tan despreciada históricamente por nuestra oligarquía, es un factor decisivo para viabilizar este proyecto histórico.  Toda la región espera de Brasil que asuma un liderazgo histórico a favor de la integración regional.  Una parte significativa de la población brasileña ya adhirió a esta idea y el gobierno Lula da Silva consiguió concretar esta meta histórica con la creación de la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas  (UNASUR), el apoyo al Banco del Sur y el asumir posiciones políticas siempre favorables a los intereses regionales.

El gobierno Dilma Rousseff viene dando continuidad a estos cambios, buscando darles mayor eficiencia y eficacia.  La Constitución brasileña ya había consagrado nuestra definición estratégica por una relación privilegiada con América Latina, seguida de África.  Caminamos así hacia una política de Estado a favor de la integración regional así como fortalecemos nuestra decisión histórica de ejercer un papel unificador de las dos orillas del Atlántico Sur.

El Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Brasil está buscando definir con mayor precisión lo que llama como las prioridades de nuestra política de integración.  Él define la relación con la Argentina y, consecuentemente, con el Mercado Común del Sur (MERCOSUR) como prioridad “A”.  Le sigue, como prioridad “B”, la integración de América del Sur, que tiene como su máxima expresión a la UNASUR, en pleno proceso de institucionalización.

Así también debería priorizar el Banco del Sur, pero éste viene sufriendo la oposición del capital financiero nacional e incluso de los bancos públicos de inversión del país que aspiran a financiar directamente las inversiones, sobre todo para infraestructura de la región.  En tercer lugar, encontramos la integración de Latinoamérica y el Caribe en su conjunto, que encuentra en la CELAC su expresión máxima y que podría dar pasos significativos con el restablecimiento de la hegemonía del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) en México, pues le será muy difícil abandonar, en esta coyuntura, la postura programática histórica de este partido a favor de la unidad latinoamericana.  Se debe tomar en cuenta que los problemas emigratorios con los Estados Unidos y las dificultades registradas en las relaciones comerciales preferenciales con ese país y, finalmente, las dificultades surgidas de la demanda estadounidense de las drogas y la acción singular de la DEA en el “combate” al tráfico de drogas, todo esto lleva al PRI a la necesidad de rever su desvío derechista hacia el neoliberalismo que le desplazó del poder.

Se abre pues un contexto cada vez más favorable para la integración regional.  Falta, sin embargo, que nuestras universidades y nuestra enseñanza en general tomen en serio su papel en la creación de una conciencia regional.  De la gran prensa podemos esperar poco.  Ella es propiedad de las más retrógradas oligarquías regionales, que se oponen radicalmente a la integración regional y al avance de ésta, a toda costa. La oligarquía tradicional y la oligarquía financiera, que tienen especial interés en la dispersión de los intereses regionales a favor de los centros de poder financiero mundial, se parecen muy claramente a las oligarquías regionales que, en las puertas de la independencia de la región, continuaban atrapadas en la sumisión a los imperios ibéricos.  Estos sectores económicos están cada vez más ausentes de las necesidades de la población de sus países y tienden a perder liderazgo ante un enfrentamiento serio con ellos.

Es hora que las fuerzas progresistas de la región se unan para promover un nuevo estilo de desarrollo socioeconómico, ecológicamente sostenible, con profundo sentido social y humano.  Para esto, además de los avances políticos y económicos, tienen que crear y articular una prensa escrita, hablada y virtual que cuide de los intereses de la región y de sus pueblos.  El ejemplo de la Telesur ha demostrado la utilidad de esta propuesta, a pesar del poco apoyo que ha recibido de gobiernos como el brasileño.

Establecer un gran frente

Las tareas son cada vez más complejas, pero esto es una consecuencia de los avances que hemos tenido. Pues, mientras avanzamos moderadamente en la integración de las zonas de predominio de políticas de altas concesiones a nuestro pasado colonial y a la decadente ofensiva neoliberal, vemos que la propia CEPAL reconoce los resultados positivos alcanzados por la Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (ALBA).  La unión de los países de orientación socialista en la región, inspirados sobre todo en la cooperación y la solidaridad, presenta una ventaja derivada de la unidad política de estos países y del peso de sus políticas públicas en todos los campos.

Para espanto de los economicistas “realistas”, apoyados en el individualismo posesivo del siglo XVIII, son los “idealistas” y románticos colectivistas los que presentan mejores resultados.  Ellos no aprendieron nada de la victoria del Socialismo sobre el Nazismo en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que afectó tan intensamente las políticas económicas de la posguerra, ni del Movimiento de Liberación Nacional anti-colonial y anti imperialista.

Regresaron en los años 70 del siglo pasado con su carga reaccionaria a favor del “libre” mercado y del llamado “Estado mínimo” y con el canto de sirena del “equilibrio” de los fundamentos del mercado como el gran objetivo económico.

Tras reinar por 30 años entraron en una crisis definitiva: el legado de sus políticas fue un Estado deudor máximo, sumergido en una crisis fiscal colosal para defender la supervivencia de una esfera financiera especulativa que vive a costa de la transferencia de recursos públicos; nos entregaron un mundo de crisis económicas y de déficits comerciales, fiscales y de anarquía monetaria.

Si no dejamos que nos tomen las reservas financieras que acumulamos los últimos años y aplicamos nuestros recursos a la creación de un poderoso mercado regional, sustentado por políticas industriales que reestructuren nuestra participación en la división internacional del trabajo, al lado de las zonas emergentes en el mundo, estaremos listos para dar un salto civilizatorio que nos coloque al frente de la articulación de una nueva economía mundial.  Esta afirmación tendría que complementarse con nuevos estudios sobre los cambios civilizatorios que se imponen en el mundo contemporáneo.

Ellos crearon, por lo tanto, las condiciones para establecer un gran frente, similar al que se creó a partir de 1935 contra el fascismo y por la participación de un Estado de base popular en la atención de las necesidades humanas.  Las interacciones regionales son una parte esencial de este cambio político al esparcir por todo el mundo una nueva fase de desarrollo científico y tecnológico en la cual las nuevas naciones podrán ejercer un papel cada vez más activo.  La promesa de los BRICS de convertirse en polos económicos cada vez más importantes se hace realidad cada día.

Y una América Latina unida podrá hacer mucho más.  Si las oligarquías no están dispuestas a cumplir este papel, los sectores populares no dudarán un sólo instante en asumirlo.  Esta es la tarea fundamental para transformar en realidad el sueño histórico de nuestros antepasados.  (Traducción ALAI)

 

– Theotonio dos Santos es profesor emérito de la Universidad Federal Fluminense, Presidente de la Cátedra UNESCO-ONU sobre Economía Global y Desarrollo Sostenible.  theotoniodossantos.blogspot.com.br

 

Este artículo es parte de la revista América Latina en Movimiento # 480-481, “Integración suramericana: Temas estratégicos”,  noviembre-diciembre de 2012. http://alainet.org/publica/480.phtml

Fuente: http://alainet.org/active/61245

 

 

Este Numero de la Revista Energía y Equidad trata el tema de la integración energética. Los artículos tratan la realidad energética desde una mirada física en la región, diagnosis los escenarios futuros, la historia de la institucionalidad de la integración energética y los conflictos asociados a la integración. se incluyen también perspectivas sobre el debate reciente respecto de la recuperación de YPF por el Estado argentino, pilule que seguramente impactará sobre los procesos de integración regional; y, un aporte desde los movimientos sociales que reflexionan sobre el sentido y la orientación de la cuestión energética. El debate de la integración aparece atravesado por una tradición regional: la discusión sobre la soberanía energética.

Indice

  • Los desafíos de la integración energética: una introducción necesaria
  • Aspectos del proceso de integración energética en América Latina. Un recorrido por la historia reciente
  • Integración energética y conflictos sociales y ambientales
  • Construyendo soberanía hídrica y energética
  • YPF en la era nacional y popular

Descargar la revista

La coordinación ejecutiva y edición de la Revista esta a cargo de Pablo Bertinat – Taller Ecologista, Rosario, Argentina
Este numero de la Revista, contó con la colaboración del Transnational Institute (TNI) y el Instituto Equit en el contexto de la Iniciativa Agenda de los pueblos para Regionalismos Alternativos (PAAR).

Another road for Europe: Forum at the European Parliament

Europe is in crisis because it has been hijacked by neoliberalism and finance. In the last twenty years – with a persistent democratic deficit – the meaning of the European Union has increasingly been reduced to a narrow view of the single market and the single currency, dosage leading to liberalisations and speculative bubbles, loss of rights and the explosion of inequalities.

 

This is not the Europe that was imagined decades ago as a space of economic and political integration free from war. This is not the Europe that was built through economic and social progress, the extension of democracy and welfare rights.

 

This European project is now in danger.

 

Facing the financial crisis, European authorities and governments have acted irresponsibly; they saved private banks but refused to contain the difficulties of indebted countries using the tools of the Monetary Union; they imposed on all countries austerity policies and cuts in public budgets that will now be enshrined in European Treaties. The results are that the financial crisis has extended to more countries, the euro is in danger, a new great depression and the risk of disintegration of Europe are looming.

 

Europe can survive only if another road is taken. Another Europe is possible. Europe has to mean social justice, environmental responsibility, democracy and peace. This is what the larger part of Europe’s culture and society yearns for. This is the way indicated by justice movements, mobilisations for dignity and against austerity policies. But it is the sort of Europe that has been ignored by dominant political forces in Europe. This other Europe is not a new superstate nor is it another intergovernmental bureaucracy. A form of democratic governance for Europe is needed if we are to address the global challenges that nation-states are not able to manage.

 

Along the road to another Europe, visions of change, protest and alternatives have to be woven into a common framework. We propose six objectives.

 

A smaller finance. Finance – at the root of the crisis – should be prevented from destroying the economy. The Monetary Union should be reorganised and provide a collective guarantee for the public debt of eurozone countries; the European Central Bank should become the Union’s lender of last resort. The burden of debt cannot be allowed to destroy countries in financial difficulty. All financial transactions have to be taxed, imbalances resulting from capital movements need be reduced, stricter regulations should ban the more speculative and risky financial activities, the division between commercial and investment banks has to be restored, a European public rating agency should be created.

 

More integrated economic policies. Europe needs to move past old and new Stability Pacts, beyond policies limited to the single market and the single currency. Europe’s actions need to address imbalances in the real economy and the direction of development. Deep changes in taxation systems are needed, with a tax harmonization in Europe and a shift in taxation from labour to wealth and non-renewable resources, with new revenues to fund European spending.

 

Public expenditure – at national and European levels – should be used to stimulate demand, defend welfare policies, extend public services. Industrial and innovation policies have to orient production and consumption towards high-skill, high-quality, sustainable activities. Eurobonds should be introduced not just to refinance public debt, but to fund the ecological conversion of Europe’s economy.

 

More jobs and labour rights, less inequality. Labour rights and welfare are at the core of the meaning of Europe. After decades of policies that have created precarious jobs, poverty and unemployment, bringing inequality back to the levels of the 1930s, the priority for Europe is the creation of stable, high wage jobs – especially for women and youth – supporting low incomes and protecting trade union rights, collective bargaining and democracy at the workplace.

 

Protecting the environment. Sustainability, the green economy, energy and resource efficiency are the new meaning of Europe’s growth. All policies need to take into account environmental effects, reduce climate change and the use of non-renewable resources, favouring clean, renewable energies, energy efficiency, local production, sobriety in consumption.

 

Practising democracy. The forms of representative democracy through parties and governments – and the social dialogue among organisations representing capital and labour – are less and less able to provide answers to current problems. At European level the common decision-making process is increasingly replaced by the rule of the strongest. The crisis takes legitimacy away from EU institutions; the Commission increasingly acts as a bureaucratic support of the strongest member states, the Central Bank is unaccountable and the European Parliament does not fully use its powers and anyway is still excluded from crucial decisions on economic governance.

 

In past decades, Europe’s citizens have taken centre stage in social mobilisations and in practices of participatory and deliberative democracy – from European Social Forums to the protests of indignados. These experiences need an institutional response. There is the need to overcome the mismatch between social change and political and institutional arrangements that are a remnant of the past.

 

European societies need not be inward-looking. The social and political inclusion of migrants is a key test for Europe’s democracy. Closer ties can be built with the movements for democracy on the Southern shores of the Mediterranean after the downfall of authoritarian regimes.

 

Making peace and upholding human rights. The integration of Europe has made it possible to overcome century-old conflicts, but Europe remains the site of nuclear weapons and aggressive military postures, and European countries still spend one fifth of world military expenditure: 316 billion dollars in 2010. With current budgetary problems, drastic cuts and transformation in military budgets are urgent. Europe’s peace does not result from projecting military force, but from a policy of human and common security that can contribute to peace and the protection of human rights. Europe has to open up to the new democracies of the Arab world in the same way as it opened up to Central and Eastern Europe after 1989.

 

We propose to bring this agenda for another Europe to the European Parliament and to Europe’s institutions. This new meaning of Europe is already visible in cross-border citizens’ mobilisations, civil society networks, trade union struggles; it has now to shape Europe’s politics and policy-making.

 

Thirty years ago, at the start of the “New Cold War” between East and West, the Appeal for European Nuclear Disarmament launched the idea of a Europe free from military blocs and argued that “we must commence to act as if a united, neutral, pacific Europe already existed”. Now, in the midst of the crisis of finance, markets and bureaucracies, we we must commence to practice an egalitarian, peaceful, green and democratic Europe.

 

 

 

Rossana Rossanda, founder of Il Manifesto

Elmar Altvater, Attac Germany

Samir Amin, World Forum for Alternatives

Philippe Askenazy, CNRS-Paris school of Economics

Zygmunt Bauman, University of Leeds, UK

Seyla Benhabib, Yale University

Donatella Della Porta, European University Institute

Trevor Evans, Euromemorandum and Berlin School of Economics & Law

Luigi Ferrajoli, University of Roma Tre

Nancy Fraser, New School for Social Research, New York

Monica Frassoni, European Green Party

Susan George, honorary president of Attac France, Board President of the Transnational Institute

Paul Ginsborg, University of Florence

Rafael Grasa Hernandez, ICIP, Barcelona

Mary Kaldor, London School of Economics, UK

Thomas Lacoste, filmmaker and publisher, Paris

Dany Lang, Economistes atterrés

Maurizio Landini, secretary of the metalworkers’ union Fiom-Cgil

Jean-Louis Laville, European coordinator, Karl Polanyi Institute of Political Economy

Giulio Marcon, Coordinator of the Sbilanciamoci coalition

Jens Martens, Director, Global Policy Forum Europe

Doreen Massey, Open University and Soundings

Chantal Mouffe, University of Westminster, London

Heikki Patomäki, chair, ATTAC Finland and University of Helsinki

Pascal Petit, Université de Paris 13

Mario Pianta, University of Urbino and Sbilanciamoci

Kari Polanyi Levitt, McGill University, Montreal, Canada

Wolfgang Sachs, Wuppertal Institut, Germany

Saskia Sassen, Columbia University

Andrew Simms, fellow, New Economics Foundation, London

Steffen Stierle, scientific council Attac Germany

Massimo Torelli, Rete@sinistra

Peter Wahl, WEED,World Economy & Development Association, Germany

 

 

 

Vittorio Agnoletto, Freedom Legality And Rights in Europe

Sergio Andreis, Lunaria, Italy

Andrea Baranes, Roma

Marco Bersani, Attac Italia

Matthias Birkwald, Member of the German Parliament, Die Linke

Lothar Bisky, Member of the European Parliament, European United Left /Nordic Green Left, Germany

Raffaella Bolini, Arci, Italy

Luciana Castellina, former member of the European Parliament

Rolf Czezeskleba-Dupont, Roskilde University, Denmark

Pier Virgilio Dastoli, European Federalist Movement

Rosen Dimov, European Alternatives, Bulgaria

Mario Dogliani, University of Turin

Tommaso Fattori, Transform Italia

Renzo Fior, president Emmaus Italia

Maurizio Franzini, Sapienza Università di Roma

Marco Furfaro, Youth policy coordinator, SEL

Francesco Garibaldo, Associazione lavoro e libertà

Francuccio Gesualdi, Center for a new development

Alfonso Gianni, Roma

Chiara Giunti, Rete@sinistra

Thomas Händel, Member of the European Parliament, European United Left /Nordic Green Left, Germany

Keith Hart, University of Pretoria and Goldsmiths, University of London

Peter Hermann, scientific council Attac Germany, University of Cork

Peter Kammerer, University of Urbino

Jan Korte, Member of the German Parliament, Die Linke

Patrick Le Hyaric, Editor of L’Humanité, Member of the European Parliament, European United Left /Nordic Green Left, France

Flavio Lotti, Tavola della Pace, Perugia

Alberto Lucarelli, Commissioner of the City of Naples for the Common goods

Lorenzo Marsili, European Alternatives

Graziella Mascia, Associazione Altramente, Italy

Vilma Mazza, Global project

Luisa Morgantini, former vice-president of the European Parliament

Roberto Musacchio, Roma

Loretta Mussi, Un ponte per, Roma

Jason Nardi, coordinator, Social Watch Italian coalition

Maria Teresa Petrangolini, Active Citizenship Network

Maria Pia Pizzolante, TILT speakperson

Gabriele Polo, former editor, Il Manifesto

Norma Rangeri, editor, Il Manifesto

Angelo Reati, former official of the European Commission, Brussels

Claudio Riccio, Coordinator of student organisations

Gianni Rinaldini, Coordinator of the United for an alternative coalition, Italy

Tania Rispoli, social researcher and activist, Italy

Domenico Rizzuti, Rete@sinistra, Italy

Denis Jaromil Roio, Dyne.org, Free software foundry

Raül Romeva i Rueda, Member of the European Parliament, Green/EFA Group

Raffaele K. Salinari, Terre des Hommes international

Mariana Santos, Lisbon University Institute

Thomas Sauer, scientific council Attac Germany, Fachhochschule Jena.

Patrizia Sentinelli, former deputy minister of Foreign Affairs, Italy

Paul Schäfer, Member of the German Bundestag, Die Linke

Ingo Schmidt, Athabasca University, Canada

Annamaria Simonazzi, University of Rome “La Sapienza”

Claus Thomasberger, HTW Berlin, University of Applied Sciences

Antonio Tricarico, Roma

Guido Viale, environmental expert and activist, Italy

Luigi Vinci, Progetto Lavoro, Italy

Isidor Wallimann, scientific council Attac Germany, Fachhochschule Basel

Frieder Otto Wolf, former Member of the European Paliament, Freie Universität Berlin

Gaby Zimmer, Member of the European Parliament, European United Left /Nordic Green Left, Germany

 

 

 

May 2012

 

 

 

A preliminary version of this appeal was launched by the organisers and speakers of the Florence Forum “The way out. Europe and Italy, economic crisis and democracy”, held on 9 December 2011. The text is the result of extensive discussions with European networks and individuals and groups in many European countries. The text is available in English, Italian, French, German and Spanish. You can sign the Appeal on the website www.anotherroadforeurope.org

 

On June 28, 2012, a Forum on “Another Road for Europe” will be held at the European Parliament in Brussels. For information, support for the Appeal, and participation to the Brussels Forum: anotherroadforeurope@gmail.com – www.anotherroadforeurope.org

 

 

 

The Appeal “Another Road for Europe”

invites civil society organisations, social movements, networks, Trade Unions and political forces

to a one-day discussion at the European Parliament in Brussels

on the ways out of the European crisis.

 

Forum

Another Road for Europe

June 28, 2012, h.9.00 -18.30, European Parliament, Brussels

Place de Luxembourg,

Building Altiero Spinelli, 3rd floor, section G, room n.3 (ASP 3G3).

 

Participant organisations

Active Citizenship Network, Altramente, Arci, Attac France, Attac Germany, Attac Finland,

Corporate Europe Observatory, Economistes Atterrés, Euromemorandum, European Alternatives, European Anti-Poverty Network, European Federalist Movement, Fiom-Cgil, Green European Foundation, il Manifesto, Joint Social Conference, New Economics Foundation, OpenDemocracy.net, Red Pepper, Rete@sinistra, Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, Sbilanciamoci!, Social Watch Italian coalition, Soundings, Transform! Europe, Transnational Institute

 

Presentation of the event

Many appeals, texts, proposals are being launched about the future of Europe and about the way out of the crisis. The aim of this

event is to contribute to open up a debate at the European level between activists, experts, political forces and policy makers on the viable actions that European and national institutions, political forces and social organisations can take to move beyond neoliberal policies, and towards a sustainable and democratic Europe, free from discriminations and inequalities. This initiative is part of a range of activities that are being organised at the European level on alternatives to the crisis. We propose to organise the meeting around three issues (Macroeconomic policies and finance, Green New Deal and employment, Democracy) and to have a first, informal exchange of views on the most relevant policy proposals, in order to be able to understand which are those around which we could build a common approach and, if possible, future common or coordinated actions. Each session will be introduced by speakers from civil society organisations and experts’ networks who will summarise the proposals that have emerged on each topic, opening up a discussion with activists, representatives of different political forces and Members of the European Parliament. The aim is to contribute to the emergence of shared proposals for alternative policies at the European and national levels. Participants will include a wide range of civil society organisations, networks, Trade Unions, experts and intellectuals, as well as the progressive political forces in the European Parliament.

 

For contacts and information:

anotherroadforeurope@gmail.com – www.anotherroadforeurope.org

 

Another road for Europe: the Appeal

Europe is in crisis because it has been hijacked by neoliberalism and finance. In the last twenty years – with a persistent democratic deficit – the meaning of the European Union has increasingly been reduced to a narrow view of the single market and the single currency, leading to liberalisations and speculative bubbles, loss of rights and the explosion of inequalities.

 

This is not the Europe that was imagined decades ago as a space of economic and political integration free from war. This is not the Europe that was built through economic and social progress, the extension of democracy and welfare rights.

 

This European project is now in danger.

 

Facing the financial crisis, European authorities and governments have acted irresponsibly; they saved private banks but refused to contain the difficulties of indebted countries using the tools of the Monetary Union; they imposed on all countries austerity policies and cuts in public budgets that will now be enshrined in European Treaties. The results are that the financial crisis has extended to more countries, the euro is in danger, a new great depression and the risk of disintegration of Europe are looming.

 

Europe can survive only if another road is taken. Another Europe is possible. Europe has to mean social justice, environmental responsibility, democracy and peace. This is what the larger part of Europe’s culture and society yearns for. This is the way indicated by justice movements, mobilisations for dignity and against austerity policies. But it is the sort of Europe that has been ignored by dominant political forces in Europe. This other Europe is not a new superstate nor is it another intergovernmental bureaucracy. A form of democratic governance for Europe is needed if we are to address the global challenges that nation-states are not able to manage.

 

Along the road to another Europe, visions of change, protest and alternatives have to be woven into a common framework. We propose six objectives.

 

A smaller finance. Finance – at the root of the crisis – should be prevented from destroying the economy. The Monetary Union should be reorganised and provide a collective guarantee for the public debt of eurozone countries; the European Central Bank should become the Union’s lender of last resort. The burden of debt cannot be allowed to destroy countries in financial difficulty. All financial transactions have to be taxed, imbalances resulting from capital movements need be reduced, stricter regulations should ban the more speculative and risky financial activities, the division between commercial and investment banks has to be restored, a European public rating agency should be created.

 

More integrated economic policies. Europe needs to move past old and new Stability Pacts, beyond policies limited to the single market and the single currency. Europe’s actions need to address imbalances in the real economy and the direction of development. Deep changes in taxation systems are needed, with a tax harmonization in Europe and a shift in taxation from labour to wealth and non-renewable resources, with new revenues to fund European spending.

 

Public expenditure – at national and European levels – should be used to stimulate demand, defend welfare policies, extend public services. Industrial and innovation policies have to orient production and consumption towards high-skill, high-quality, sustainable activities. Eurobonds should be introduced not just to refinance public debt, but to fund the ecological conversion of Europe’s economy.

 

More jobs and labour rights, less inequality. Labour rights and welfare are at the core of the meaning of Europe. After decades of policies that have created precarious jobs, poverty and unemployment, bringing inequality back to the levels of the 1930s, the priority for Europe is the creation of stable, high wage jobs – especially for women and youth – supporting low incomes and protecting trade union rights, collective bargaining and democracy at the workplace.

 

Protecting the environment. Sustainability, the green economy, energy and resource efficiency are the new meaning of Europe’s growth. All policies need to take into account environmental effects, reduce climate change and the use of non-renewable resources, favouring clean, renewable energies, energy efficiency, local production, sobriety in consumption.

 

Practising democracy. The forms of representative democracy through parties and governments – and the social dialogue among organisations representing capital and labour – are less and less able to provide answers to current problems. At European level the common decision-making process is increasingly replaced by the rule of the strongest. The crisis takes legitimacy away from EU institutions; the Commission increasingly acts as a bureaucratic support of the strongest member states, the Central Bank is unaccountable and the European Parliament does not fully use its powers and anyway is still excluded from crucial decisions on economic governance.

 

In past decades, Europe’s citizens have taken centre stage in social mobilisations and in practices of participatory and deliberative democracy – from European Social Forums to the protests of indignados. These experiences need an institutional response. There is the need to overcome the mismatch between social change and political and institutional arrangements that are a remnant of the past.

 

European societies need not be inward-looking. The social and political inclusion of migrants is a key test for Europe’s democracy. Closer ties can be built with the movements for democracy on the Southern shores of the Mediterranean after the downfall of authoritarian regimes.

 

Making peace and upholding human rights. The integration of Europe has made it possible to overcome century-old conflicts, but Europe remains the site of nuclear weapons and aggressive military postures, and European countries still spend one fifth of world military expenditure: 316 billion dollars in 2010. With current budgetary problems, drastic cuts and transformation in military budgets are urgent. Europe’s peace does not result from projecting military force, but from a policy of human and common security that can contribute to peace and the protection of human rights. Europe has to open up to the new democracies of the Arab world in the same way as it opened up to Central and Eastern Europe after 1989.

 

We propose to bring this agenda for another Europe to the European Parliament and to Europe’s institutions. This new meaning of Europe is already visible in cross-border citizens’ mobilisations, civil society networks, trade union struggles; it has now to shape Europe’s politics and policy-making.

 

Thirty years ago, at the start of the “New Cold War” between East and West, the Appeal for European Nuclear Disarmament launched the idea of a Europe free from military blocs and argued that “we must commence to act as if a united, neutral, pacific Europe already existed”. Now, in the midst of the crisis of finance, markets and bureaucracies, we we must commence to practice an egalitarian, peaceful, green and democratic Europe.

 

 

 

Rossana Rossanda, founder of Il Manifesto

Elmar Altvater, Attac Germany

Samir Amin, World Forum for Alternatives

Philippe Askenazy, CNRS-Paris school of Economics

Zygmunt Bauman, University of Leeds, UK

Seyla Benhabib, Yale University

Donatella Della Porta, European University Institute

Trevor Evans, Euromemorandum and Berlin School of Economics & Law

Luigi Ferrajoli, University of Roma Tre

Nancy Fraser, New School for Social Research, New York

Monica Frassoni, European Green Party

Susan George, honorary president of Attac France, Board President of the Transnational Institute

Paul Ginsborg, University of Florence

Rafael Grasa Hernandez, ICIP, Barcelona

Mary Kaldor, London School of Economics, UK

Thomas Lacoste, filmmaker and publisher, Paris

Dany Lang, Economistes atterrés

Maurizio Landini, secretary of the metalworkers’ union Fiom-Cgil

Jean-Louis Laville, European coordinator, Karl Polanyi Institute of Political Economy

Giulio Marcon, Coordinator of the Sbilanciamoci coalition

Jens Martens, Director, Global Policy Forum Europe

Doreen Massey, Open University and Soundings

Chantal Mouffe, University of Westminster, London

Heikki Patomäki, chair, ATTAC Finland and University of Helsinki

Pascal Petit, Université de Paris 13

Mario Pianta, University of Urbino and Sbilanciamoci

Kari Polanyi Levitt, McGill University, Montreal, Canada

Wolfgang Sachs, Wuppertal Institut, Germany

Saskia Sassen, Columbia University

Andrew Simms, fellow, New Economics Foundation, London

Steffen Stierle, scientific council Attac Germany

Massimo Torelli, Rete@sinistra

Peter Wahl, WEED,World Economy & Development Association, Germany

 

 

 

Vittorio Agnoletto, Freedom Legality And Rights in Europe

Sergio Andreis, Lunaria, Italy

Andrea Baranes, Roma

Marco Bersani, Attac Italia

Matthias Birkwald, Member of the German Parliament, Die Linke

Lothar Bisky, Member of the European Parliament, European United Left /Nordic Green Left, Germany

Raffaella Bolini, Arci, Italy

Luciana Castellina, former member of the European Parliament

Rolf Czezeskleba-Dupont, Roskilde University, Denmark

Pier Virgilio Dastoli, European Federalist Movement

Rosen Dimov, European Alternatives, Bulgaria

Mario Dogliani, University of Turin

Tommaso Fattori, Transform Italia

Renzo Fior, president Emmaus Italia

Maurizio Franzini, Sapienza Università di Roma

Marco Furfaro, Youth policy coordinator, SEL

Francesco Garibaldo, Associazione lavoro e libertà

Francuccio Gesualdi, Center for a new development

Alfonso Gianni, Roma

Chiara Giunti, Rete@sinistra

Thomas Händel, Member of the European Parliament, European United Left /Nordic Green Left, Germany

Keith Hart, University of Pretoria and Goldsmiths, University of London

Peter Hermann, scientific council Attac Germany, University of Cork

Peter Kammerer, University of Urbino

Jan Korte, Member of the German Parliament, Die Linke

Patrick Le Hyaric, Editor of L’Humanité, Member of the European Parliament, European United Left /Nordic Green Left, France

Flavio Lotti, Tavola della Pace, Perugia

Alberto Lucarelli, Commissioner of the City of Naples for the Common goods

Lorenzo Marsili, European Alternatives

Graziella Mascia, Associazione Altramente, Italy

Vilma Mazza, Global project

Luisa Morgantini, former vice-president of the European Parliament

Roberto Musacchio, Roma

Loretta Mussi, Un ponte per, Roma

Jason Nardi, coordinator, Social Watch Italian coalition

Maria Teresa Petrangolini, Active Citizenship Network

Maria Pia Pizzolante, TILT speakperson

Gabriele Polo, former editor, Il Manifesto

Norma Rangeri, editor, Il Manifesto

Angelo Reati, former official of the European Commission, Brussels

Claudio Riccio, Coordinator of student organisations

Gianni Rinaldini, Coordinator of the United for an alternative coalition, Italy

Tania Rispoli, social researcher and activist, Italy

Domenico Rizzuti, Rete@sinistra, Italy

Denis Jaromil Roio, Dyne.org, Free software foundry

Raül Romeva i Rueda, Member of the European Parliament, Green/EFA Group

Raffaele K. Salinari, Terre des Hommes international

Mariana Santos, Lisbon University Institute

Thomas Sauer, scientific council Attac Germany, Fachhochschule Jena.

Patrizia Sentinelli, former deputy minister of Foreign Affairs, Italy

Paul Schäfer, Member of the German Bundestag, Die Linke

Ingo Schmidt, Athabasca University, Canada

Annamaria Simonazzi, University of Rome “La Sapienza”

Claus Thomasberger, HTW Berlin, University of Applied Sciences

Antonio Tricarico, Roma

Guido Viale, environmental expert and activist, Italy

Luigi Vinci, Progetto Lavoro, Italy

Isidor Wallimann, scientific council Attac Germany, Fachhochschule Basel

Frieder Otto Wolf, former Member of the European Paliament, Freie Universität Berlin

Gaby Zimmer, Member of the European Parliament, European United Left /Nordic Green Left, Germany

 

 

 

May 2012

 

 

 

A preliminary version of this appeal was launched by the organisers and speakers of the Florence Forum “The way out. Europe and Italy, economic crisis and democracy”, held on 9 December 2011. The text is the result of extensive discussions with European networks and individuals and groups in many European countries. The text is available in English, Italian, French, German and Spanish. You can sign the Appeal on the website www.anotherroadforeurope.org

 

On June 28, 2012, a Forum on “Another Road for Europe” will be held at the European Parliament in Brussels. For information, support for the Appeal, and participation to the Brussels Forum: anotherroadforeurope@gmail.com – www.anotherroadforeurope.org