Seminar Regional Economic and Financial Cooperation amidst Crisis (ASEAN People's Forum, Jakarta, May 2011)

In this interview economist Oscar Ugarteche, pharm from the Economic Research Institute of the National Autonomous University of Mexico and Latindadd, thumb argues about the need to advance regional financial mechanisms in light of global economic crisis.

ACSC/APF, Jakarta, 04 May 2011, 3:30-6:00 p.m.

Co-organizers

Focus on the Global South; Transnational Institute (TNI); Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA); People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR)

Rationale

Three years into the global economic crisis, it is still business as usual for the largely discredited global financial architecture, making little effort to acknowledge or correct the mistakes in policies and practices that triggered the crisis. Because of this, entrenched institutions are now being challenged, with alternatives being presented by regional platforms. There is a general agreement, even among mainstream policymakers and economists, that monetary and financial cooperation and integration can ensure regional macroeconomic and financial stability and therefore either prevent economic/financial crisis or help regions to deal with them. Over the years, different regions have developed initiatives such as regional stabilisation funds, regional Banks, regional currencies, among others. However, not all the initiatives in place serve those purposes.

In South East Asia, regional monetary and financial cooperation increased markedly since the Asian financial crisis in 1997–1998. The Chiang Mai initiative, the Asian Monetary Fund (AMF) proposal and the “Manila Framework” have all been proposed as ways to prevent a recurrence of a similar crisis and deal with the repercussions.

South Asia has also experimented with intra-regional financial cooperation. Initiatives such as the SAARCFINANCE were established to coordinate key macroeconomic and finance policy issues among the Central Banks of the region. Furthermore, in 2007, a Regional Cooperation on Payments and Settlement System -“the SAARC payment initiative”- was launched.

In Latin America, under the initiative of the Ecuadorian government, a proposal for a New Regional Financial Architecture is in the making. This proposal includes three (3) core elements: the creation of the Bank of the South as the core of an alternative development bank, a regional reserve fund (including reserve pooling, currency swap arrangements and reserves insurance systems) and a regional monetary system which includes a regional currency (the sucre) and Regional Drawing Rights.

Europe is often cited as an example of financial and monetary integration. However, the current euro-crisis shows that the single market and competition policies as well as the single currency project (the euro) and the Growth and Stability Pact have not only failed to help countries to deal with the crisis in Europe, but some argue contributed to create these crises.

All the initiatives are completely different by nature and some are being currently challenged. Furthermore, alternative proposals for a different approach to regional economic and financial integration are emerging.


The workshop will have the following objectives:

Map the state of regional economic and financial proposals in Asia, LA and Europe: regional stabilisation funds, regional currencies, regional Banks, among others

Compare the nature of these proposals

Promote a discussion on whether a regional financial and economic cooperation mechanism can help to a progressive exit to the crisis and as a counter-proposal to overcome the failures of the global financial system.

Identify which types of regional initiatives would be conducive to socially and ecologically just alternatives.

 

Program

 

Introduction

Main Discussants

Jenina Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South

The importance of the regions as an arena to advance alternatives

Financial Cooperation Initiatives in Asia: A Quick Scan and Assessment

Oscar Ugarteche, Economic Research Institute of the National Autonomous University of Mexico and Latindadd

The imperative of regional financial cooperation vis-à-vis global financial system

The new regional financial architecture in Latin America: the Sucre, the Bank of the South and the

Reactors

Dr. Bambang Irawan, Senior Lecturer, Sampoerna Business School

Dr. Irawan was formerly with the Macroeconomic and Finance Surveillance Office of the ASEAN Secretariat, and recently moved to SBS

Mr. Charles Santiago, MP Malasya

Other reactors will speak from the floor.

Facilitator / Moderator: Cecilia Olivet, Transnational Institute

Documentation Team: Clark Militante and Jerik Cruz, Focus on the Global South


SEE WORKSHOP REPORT

Videos: Seminar Regional Economic and Financial Cooperation amidst Crisis (ASEAN People's Forum, Jakarta, May 2011)

People’s SAARC Assembly

Thiruvanathapuram Declaration

People’s Movements Uniting South Asia

9 November 2011

We, rx the participants of the People’s SAARC India Assembly 2011 met in Thiruvanathapuram on 8-9 November 2011 to affirm our commitment to justice, peace and democracy in the region. We also affirm and commit ourselves to the vision of an alternative political, social, economic and cultural system that enables social and sustainable development in the region that will do away with discriminations based on gender, caste, religion, language and ethnicity; lead to a situation free from exploitation and oppression; create a climate in which each individual will have the opportunity to realize full development of her or his human potential; restore the balance and harmony with nature; eliminate the artificial and human barriers that divide lands, peoples and mind; and transcend all boundaries.

The India assembly was privileged to host vibrant social movements, trade unions and activists from across India and abroad. Over 250 activists participated in three plenary sessions and 7 workshops on issues such as trade and livelihoods, natural resources, women’s role in people’s movements, de-militarization, labour and exclusion and discrimination. The assembly culminated in a colourful march to the Kerala Secretariat.

People’s Movements Uniting South Asia

A genuine South Asian consciousness, which has been present in a historical sense, is growing today among the peoples of this region. In recent years the urge for regional cooperation and interaction has manifested itself at different levels. Writers, poets, artists, scientists, social activists, human rights and women’s rights activists of South Asian countries have initiated concrete moves towards establishing mutual contacts and developing cooperation among themselves.

This declaration captures this paradigm shift of people’s movements uniting South Asia.

State Repression and Militarism undermining democracy:

The people of South Asia are witnessing the militarisation of state and society. The dominance of militarist thinking in the governments, the doctrine of preventive intervention and terrorism as a State policy has prevented the strengthening of the fraternity of the people, consolidation of the political constituency for peaceful resolution of conflict and build a common identity for South Asian people.

The context of rising terrorism is being used by the ruling elite to shift public opinion towards an internal security doctrine that is undemocratic, chauvinistic and anti-people.

We condemn the increasing budgetary allocation on militarization by diverting resource from social welfare by the governments in South Asian. The reduction of tensions between South Asian countries means the reduction of defence budgets in both countries. This will have a major and meaningful impact on the well being of each country’s citizens.

We are also alarmed by the accelerated militarization in the region in the name of countering terrorism, eroding democratic space, undermining basic human rights and humanitarian law principles, has resulted into further terrorization and radicalization the affected civilian populations.  We are deeply concerned at the expanding role of the military and para-military forces in the development processes including mega development projects and extractive mining, plundering the natural resources, marginalizing and displacing the indigenous peoples inhabiting the region. We must ensure that our governments stop militarising society by developing the doctrine of internal security, as extensions of war concepts into society, and creating armed forces for internal war.

We call for the inclusion of a policy on human rights in the SAARC platform. In Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan a vision of national security and guise of counter terrorism is being used as a tool for suppressing democratic peoples movements. Whether it is the struggles of communities over control of natural resources, or struggles against state repression or against corporate power or against communal profiling of populations, the dominant policy in all these states are against the will of the people. Hence there is a need for a clearly articulated human rights policy to be included in the SAARC.

We salute the extraordinary resilience of Irom Sharmila Chanu as she enters the twelfth year of a hunger strike in solidarity confinement demanding the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958, which has chronically militarized and displaced democratic governance in North East India. We must ensure the reduction of influence and control of the military and make it accountable and subordinate to the will of the people.

We call upon the governments of South Asia to immediately halt the futile process of militarization generating a spiral of insecurity and to redirect its resources and energy to build genuine democratic institutions to ensure the human security including education, health, housing and other welfare of the people.

Women in Peoples Movements:

Women have played a crucial role and spearheaded several movements. However in many movements’ women and those from marginalised groups including dalits, adivasis, the disabled, minority communities and those from LGBT groups are seldom heard or their separate needs acknowledged. To create a larger Peoples movement of South Asia this understanding needs to be integrated so that these identities are not submerged in larger forums and spaces but that they are included and made visible.

We need to create ways of working across differences and identities without making them invisible. This has to be based on principles of human rights, commitment to equality and non discrimination focussed on the advancement of human security and human dignity. The intersectionalities between different movements and identities needs to be recognised and integrated so that we can look at ways of coming together. This presents us with many challenges and complexities because in practice it is difficult for different movements to come together.

The Women’s Movement has been connecting across borders since the 1970’s; this has helped in strengthening our work, learning from each other as well as creating stronger bonds between us. As women we have always been suspicious of narrow nationalism and patriotism because of how it affects women. It has also presented many complexities and challenges in our vision of a Peoples Union of South Asia. There is a need to have dialogues across movements and borders on similar issues, we have a lot to learn and contribute to each other’s work. However the question is how to integrate a feminist framework of analysis and understanding in these various movements. This is so we can create better integrated movements, where the voices of the marginalised are given space as well as awareness about the intersectionalities between different issues and themes.

Re-building Labour movement:

Contractualisation, migration and the non-implementation of labour laws are common issues in the region.

We demand that labour be included as an area of cooperation in the South Asian cooperation framework.

Large scale privatization, both direct and indirect, closures and retrenchments have lead to job losses and created conditions for capital to deny labour rights and introduce new labour practices that affect the labour adversely. In the process, rights to organization and collective bargaining became a casualty. We call for the ratification of ILO core standards by South Asian countries and constitute a SAARC mechanism to ensure reporting on compliance on ILO core standards and redressal of complaints. Further, we call upon SAARC to adopt the ILO guidelines on TNC as a enforceable mechanism to regulate TNCs in the region.

The right to mobility with dignity is a human right. Migrants should be assured of dignity and the right to work as well as adequate wages and human working conditions. Safeguards for the basic rights of the local people must be instituted. We demand a SAARC mechanism to facilitate and promote labour migration with dignity and the institution of a SAARC work permit as a first step to institutionalise this process.

Labour movements in the region have to establish closer cooperation and take an organizational structure at a South Asian level. In priority, we need to work towards integrating different sections of workers currently marginalized and working people not even recognized as workers, into the ambit of labour movements, social security regimes and within the collective bargaining framework.

Trade and livelihoods:

Current trade policy is undemocratic, pro corporate, anti environment and adversely impacts livelihoods of South Asian peoples. Free trade agreements implemented in South Asia such as the India Sri Lanka FTA have adversely impacted livelihoods of farmers, especially in the state of Kerala. Free trade policies under the WTO have resulted in a loss of food sovereignty due to the loss of control over tariffs and quantitative restrictions. We call for trade and economic cooperation in the region and oppose the current trend of advancing the FTA agenda in South Asia and beyond.

We recognize that to bring the people in the region closer, there should be more people to people contact and cooperation. On trade, this would imply a paradigm shift with due process of consultation with legislative bodies and affected groups such as farmers, fishworkers and labour. Further any trade should be based on complementarity, environmental sustainability, food sovereignty and should enhance livelihoods. There should be due mechanisms to monitor the impacts of trade on livelihoods with policies to protect and compensate any communities that could be adversely impacted. We stand for progressive people led regional cooperation in South Asia and call for the normalisation of economic relations between Pakistan and India.

Exclusion, discrimination and oppression:

We express concern about the increasing incidence of state repression against peoples who are fighting for their democratic rights. Dalits, adivasis, sexual and gender minorities, religious minorities, human rights defenders are under constant threat of a militarised state and corporate greed. The struggle of the marginalised for a better democracy needs to be strengthened by rendering solidarity at the South Asian level.

Community control over Natural resources

We note that the current model of development is devastating South Asia’s natural resources. Investment zones such as SEZs that displace people, undermine democracy and national laws and destroy the environment must be stopped. The principle of prior informed consent of the local communities should be followed for all projects. We note with concern the revival of the nuclear industry despite the lessons from the Fukushima Daichi disaster. We support the valiant peoples struggle in Koodamkulam and Jaitapur and call for a halt to these nuclear projects. We call upon Governments to promote people centred non conventional and sustainable energy sources.

We call for a ban on genetically modified seeds in SAARC countries. Governments in South Asia should stop production, distribution, consumption and export of all Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs) including endosulfan.

We call upon the people to be cautious that there is an imperialist agenda to use so called environmental concerns to undermine sustainable development and livelihood needs of the people of developing countries.

South Asian coastal and forest communities are facing the brunt of so called development and corporate greed. We call for the implementation progressive legislations for protection of the environment and livelihoods in the coastal and forest regions.

Regional Economic and Financial Cooperation Amidst Crisis: Initiatives in Asia, rx advice Latin America and Europe

ACSC/APF, Jakarta, discount 04 May 2011, 3:30-6:00 p.m.


FULL PROGRAMME


Jenina Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South
– The importance of the regions as an arena to advance alternatives
– Financial Cooperation Initiatives in Asia: A Quick Scan and Assessment

Oscar Ugarteche, Economic Research Institute of the National Autonomous University of Mexico and Latindadd
– The imperative of regional financial cooperation vis-à-vis global financial system
– The new regional financial architecture in Latin America: the Sucre and the Bank of the South

Dr. Bambang Irawan, Senior Lecturer, Sampoerna Business School (formerly with the Macroeconomic and Finance Surveillance Office of the ASEAN Secretariat)

Mr. Charles Santiago, MP Malasya

Seminar: From Crisis to Opportunity – De-globalisation Strategies & Regional Alternatives

PSAARC Seminar ? Dhaka, help Bangladesh ? January 18-19, cheap 2011

Envisioning New South Asia: People’s Perspectives

Regional Integration as a Response to Hegemony and the Crisis

Jenina Joy Chavez ? Focus on the Global South

Good morning. It is an honor to participate in the People’s SAARC Seminar, and to be back in Bangladesh after almost 12 years. It is also a privilege to be given the opportunity to observe the continuing process you are undertaking, in refining a people’s vision for a new South Asia.

This morning, I would like to contribute some thoughts on why it is high time regionalism is seriously considered, and how the people should claim and redefine it.


Asia Update

For more than three years now, the world has been nursing a financial crisis that ate at the backbone of the global economy. As a result, world output slowed down in 2007 and 2008, and contracted by 0.8% in 2009, with global trade in goods and services contracting by 12.3% in the same year. (IMF, WEO Update, January 26, 2010) This meant the contraction of incomes and employment, and consequently of living standards across the world.


The global economic contraction did not hit the Asia region as much, and in the case of East Asia, not in the same depth as the 1997 financial crisis affected the region (which did not affect South Asia at all). Last year, global output was projected to grow by 3.9%, but growth estimates for developing Asia was more than double at 8.4%. The estimate for Japan was a slower 1.7%, but this was after several years of negative growth. (IMF, Ibid.) Asia still hosts one of the most robust productive capacities worldwide – that is, the real economy remains the most significant feature of Asia’s growth and development. This accounts for Asia’s relative resilience in this crisis.


However, while Asia has avoided the shock that hit North America and Western Europe, the slowdown in these regions means that Asia will have to look for new ways to restart its growth. And that is why, by 2010, many Asian free trade agreements have come on stream, either partly or fully: the ASEAN-China FTA, the ASEAN-Korea FTA, the ASEAN-India FTA, and the ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement. The same arguments raised about global free trade hold true in the case of Asian FTAs. But an added dimension to these agreements is that they are negotiated and signed between countries or groups of countries where democratic practices like consultation, freedom of information, and people’s participation are weak, or non-existent.


When we talk of Asia, we must remember that we are also talking about huge disparities within and among countries, of varying levels of development and variable economic structures. For instance, unemployment could be as good as only 1.4% in Thailand and Bhutan; and could be as bad as 9.8% in Indonesia and 14.4% in the Maldives. ASEAN has sharper income gaps than SAARC – the highest per capita income (Brunei US$49,370 PPP) is 66 times the lowest (Myanmar US$750 PPP); whereas in SAARC it is only 6 times (Afghanistan US$881 PPP versus the Maldives US$5,027 PPP). However, SAARC has higher incidence of and deeper poverty, as well as ranks lower in terms of human development.


The region also hosts many countries most vulnerable to climate change. It is common to hear these days how the Maldives, for instance, is at risk of being totally submerged in water; or how the Philippines despite contributing very little to carbon emission ranks high in vulnerability. Huge populations, water scarcity and climate change also affect capacities of countries to produce its own food. India, for instance, has experienced crop failures for eight consecutive years, miring people deeper in debt, and resulting in around 200,000 farmer suicides since 1997.


South and Southeast Asia are also cited for the high incidence of what even the World Bank recognizes as global land garb. Yet, the actions of governments give us reason to worry. In 2009, it was reported that the Pakistani Government offered more than 400,000 hectares of farmland for sale or lease to foreign investors. The Philippines also signed 19 memoranda of agreement with China for the use of one million hectares of farmland for food production for Chinese consumption.


In 2010, warnings were issued about a potential water war between India and Pakistan, adding to existing conflict points between the two countries. And as water scarcity becomes an increasing concern for many, more such warnings may be heard in the years to come.


These snippets of information are significant because they show the common concerns that plague countries in the region, on the one hand; and the inadequacy of their actions. They also highlight the need for and the potential of regionalism as a response to address various problems that have already reached crisis proportions.


Why Regionalism?

Questions have been raised about the ability of global forces to deliver global welfare. Global mechanisms have been set up to address the concerns arising out of globalization, but they are deemed inadequate or unable to respond to all of the issues all of the time. There is consensus that the global economy needs a stronger social dimension (e.g. the work of ILO and UNDP), but the lack of democracy in global institutions frustrates the social aspects of globalization. Thus, the multilateral system suffers from a twin weakness— its tendency to significantly reduce developing countries’ policy space and its lack of a development dimension. (Helleiner, 2002)


The need for more democracy highlights the importance of the region or the regional. It is an arena where inclusion / inclusiveness can be furthered; and new centers of influence are developed (Bello 2002). Regions also make possible new South-South alliances where alternative ideas to challenge dominant North-South power relations can be enhanced (Keet 2006). Moreover, regionalism offers the potential for policy autonomy in the South, through “pooling of bargaining power and negotiating skills among developing countries” (Girvan, 2005).


To reiterate, regionalism is desirable for several reasons: (1) the commonality of regional experiences and problems; (2) the inadequacy of national action; (3) the failure of and the lack of democracy in global institutions; (4) the potential for bigger policy space; and (5) the need to develop new centers of influence.


However, even as regionalism can expand the possibilities for and bring more stability and prosperity into a region, it is important to note the behavior and impact of intra-regional distribution. If done with limited focus on economic and trade integration, regionalism will unduly favor bigger regional players who are best positioned to take advantage of bigger markets. Unless regionalism embraces broader people’s concerns, it will still fail to address the issues it should, and will be in danger of going the way of most multilateral institutions – that is, captured by the richer and bigger countries that develop into regional hegemons.

 

Key Dilemmas

While it is a logical alternative, regionalism is not an easy option. There are also key dilemmas that must be resolved when embarking on regionalism:

First, there must be a balance between nationalism and the need for regional solidarity.

Second, in the same breadth, there is the need to temper sovereignty with shared responsibility.

Third, regionalism can both be a defensive and an offensive too. It can be a shield, but it can also be a weapon – and the question is when to deploy this tool.

Fourth, regionalism should evolve, from being a form of resistance, to becoming a platform for alternatives.

 

Areas for Regional Cooperation and Solidarity

There are a myriad of areas where regional cooperation and solidarity are useful:

· Regional Development that spans Regional Trade and Investment, Regional Development Finance (Resource Management), and Regional Development Policy

o Here, it is important to rationalize policy beyond competition as a framework. One could think of, for instance, regional development funds, and mechanisms to lessen the region’s dependence on the dollar or on Northern markets.

· Regional Social Policy that includes Regional rights, Regional redistribution, and Regional regulation.

o Developmentalism in ASEAN and socialist influences in SAARC are good bases for regional social policy. Regional social policy – in the form of, for instance, migration and labor policy, regional stockpiling for food security, environmental regulation, or the provision of public goods (health and education services) – also gives new direction to regional agreements, as well as helps broaden the constituency for regionalism.

· Other areas that will benefit from regional cooperation and solidarity include:

o Regional Governance (for instance, accountability and information policy)

o Regional Solidarity and People’s Diplomacy (Foreign Policy, including visa policy / movement of people)

o People’s Security (nuclear policy)

o Regional Climate Strategy, and,

o Regional Identity and Community-Building


More could be added to the list, but these are the basic ones to start on. The old neoliberal trajectory will not be enough to address the impacts of or the vulnerability to future crises. It is high time that regional solidarity is harnessed towards the creation of a new order that promotes a democratic region, in every sense.

Peoples’ Regionalism

As a final note, I wish to emphasize the important role of people in the success of regionalism.

Last December, the ASEAN Charter finished its second year and ASEAN will celebrate its 44th anniversary this year. Last year, SAARC crossed its 25th year. For a long time, civil society and social movements have ignored these associations, focusing instead on international organizations like the World Bank, the World Trade Organization, the International Monetary Fund, and the Asian Development Bank; or on identified hegemonies like the United States.


But it has become apparent that the long years of absence of scrutiny from civil society have resulted in a myriad of initiatives in the economic sphere that regional citizens are now compelled to accept, and the negative impacts of which they have to suffer.


The Asian financial and the global economic crises have shown the importance of engaging regional institutions, to monitor and check what they are doing, on the one hand; and to demand that they do more in terms of regional social policy and cooperative actions to uplift regional social standards, on the other.

The viability of any responsive regionalist project can be greatly enhanced if it is democratized. Without popular support, regional initiatives will require a long socialization process, and will remain in the confines of official diplomacy.


Resonance with the people is important. Regional bodies, or regional advocacies, should start where there is clear demand, and patent need, to make regional arrangements acceptable to the people. Migration, rights and democracy, decent living standards and environment, and the ability to generate economic activity and distribute its fruits equitably, are but some examples. There is need to also work on something that works and shows results in the immediate even as the strategic alternative structures are still being constructed. Here, regional social policy (esp. in health, labor, environment and related sectors) will go a long way.


Doing regionalism for the people is a responsibility of states and the regionalist projects, but it is upon us, the people, to reclaim and redefine it. We also have the responsibility to make sure that our voices are heard, (1) by piercing the elitist diplomatic shell of regional associations and creating spaces for ourselves; (2) by challenging the existing multilateral system and current integration models; (3) by building movements of resistance, but more importantly, movements for alternatives; and (4) by making it happen.

Working towards specific access and grievance mechanisms is important, and it is equally important to amplify economic advocacies – whether it be for increased economic space, or access to trade negotiations, or for alternative systems – at the regional level, so that the same get discussed more, and the groups advocating inspire more trust from regional officials, the media, and the regional citizenry at large. We have to recognize that our targets have regional manifestations too, and therefore, we have to give a regional expression to our aspirations.

 

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Seminar organized by People’s SAARC on 18-19 January 2011 in Dhaka on ‘Envisioning New South Asia: People’s Perspective’ discussed the possible contours of an effective SAARC Union and the possibility of a peaceful, united and just South Asia.


Date/time

Programme

17 January 2011

Arrival of participants , steering committee meeting

18 Jan 2011

09:00-10:00

Opening Session:

Chair: Kamla Bhasin (Ind)

Opening Remarks – Kuldip Nayar (Ind), Professor Emeritus Anisuzzaman (BD), Karamat Ali (Pak)

10:00 – 12:00

Session 1: Regional Integration in the age of Globalisation

Joy Chavez (Philippines), Sunila Abeysekera (SL), Neera Chandoke (Ind),

Moderator: Rokeya Kabir (BD)

12:00 – 13:30

Session 2: Trade and investment policy: based on cooperation and complementarity:

Aftab Aalam (Pak), Dr. Khondaker Golam Moazzem (BD),

Moderator: Gautam Modi (Ind)

13:30 – 14:30

Lunch

14:30 – 17.30

Session 3: People to People contact, Migration, and Visa Regimes

Dr. G K Chadha (Ind), Ms. Shaheen Anam (BD), Babu Mathew (Ind),

Moderator: Arjun Karki (Nep)

19 Jan 2011

09:30 – 12:00

Session 4: Conflicts: Afghanistan, Pakistan and India Region

Seema Mustafa (Ind), Raz Mohd. Dalili (Afg), Dr. Hamida Hossain (BD),

Moderator: Meena Menon (Ind)

12:00 – 13:30

Session 5: Conflicts: Ethnic and Religious

Nimalka Fernando(SL), Nurul Kabir (BD), Kamal Chenoy (Ind)

Moderator: Farooq Tariq (Pak)

13:30 – 14:30

Lunch

14:30 – 15:30

Session 6: Climate change and livelihood

Lalitha Ramdas(Ind), Netra Timsina (Nep), Reza Chowdhary (BD), Mohd. Latif (M)

Moderator: Najma Sadeq (Pak)

15:30 – 17:30

Session 7: Outlining a strategy towards a Peoples Union

Moderators: Karamat Ali (Pak), Mohiuddin Ahmad (BD)

Vote of thanks : Sarba Khadka (Nep)

Date/time

Programme

Remarks

17 January 2011

Arrival of participants , physician steering committee meeting

18 Jan 2011

09:00-10:00

Opening Session:

Chair: Kamla Bhasin (Ind)

Opening Remarks – Kuldip Nayar (Ind), Professor Emeritus Anisuzzaman (BD), mind Karamat Ali (Pak)

10:00 – 12:00

Session 1: Regional Integration in the age of Globalisation

Joy Chavez (Philippines), Sunila Abeysekera (SL), Neera Chandoke (Ind),

Moderator: Rokeya Kabir (BD)

12:00 – 13:30

Session 2: Trade and investment policy: based on cooperation and complementarity:

Aftab Aalam (Pak), Dr. Khondaker Golam Moazzem (BD),

Moderator: Gautam Modi (Ind)

13:30 – 14:30

Lunch

14:30 – 17.30

Session 3: People to People contact, Migration, and Visa Regimes

Dr. G K Chadha (Ind), Ms. Shaheen Anam (BD), Babu Mathew (Ind),

Moderator: Arjun Karki (Nep)

19 Jan 2011

09:30 – 12:00

Session 4: Conflicts: Afghanistan, Pakistan and India Region

Seema Mustafa (Ind), Raz Mohd. Dalili (Afg), Dr. Hamida Hossain (BD),

Moderator: Meena Menon (Ind)

12:00 – 13:30

Session 5: Conflicts: Ethnic and Religious

Nimalka Fernando(SL), Nurul Kabir (BD), Kamal Chenoy (Ind)

Moderator: Farooq Tariq (Pak)

13:30 – 14:30

Lunch

14:30 – 15:30

Session 6: Climate change and livelihood

Lalitha Ramdas(Ind), Netra Timsina (Nep), Reza Chowdhary (BD), Mohd. Latif (M)

Moderator: Najma Sadeq (Pak)

15:30 – 17:30

Session 7: Outlining a strategy towards a Peoples Union

Moderators: Karamat Ali (Pak), Mohiuddin Ahmad (BD)

Vote of thanks : Sarba Khadka (Nep)

Date/time

Programme

Remarks

17 January 2011

Arrival of participants , steering committee meeting

18 Jan 2011

09:00-10:00

Opening Session:

Chair: Kamla Bhasin (Ind)

Opening Remarks – Kuldip Nayar (Ind), Professor Emeritus Anisuzzaman (BD), Karamat Ali (Pak)

10:00 – 12:00

Session 1: Regional Integration in the age of Globalisation

Joy Chavez (Philippines), Sunila Abeysekera (SL), Neera Chandoke (Ind),

Moderator: Rokeya Kabir (BD)

12:00 – 13:30

Session 2: Trade and investment policy: based on cooperation and complementarity:

Aftab Aalam (Pak), Dr. Khondaker Golam Moazzem (BD),

Moderator: Gautam Modi (Ind)

13:30 – 14:30

Lunch

14:30 – 17.30

Session 3: People to People contact, Migration, and Visa Regimes

Dr. G K Chadha (Ind), Ms. Shaheen Anam (BD), Babu Mathew (Ind),

Moderator: Arjun Karki (Nep)

19 Jan 2011

09:30 – 12:00

Session 4: Conflicts: Afghanistan, Pakistan and India Region

Seema Mustafa (Ind), Raz Mohd. Dalili (Afg), Dr. Hamida Hossain (BD),

Moderator: Meena Menon (Ind)

12:00 – 13:30

Session 5: Conflicts: Ethnic and Religious

Nimalka Fernando(SL), Nurul Kabir (BD), Kamal Chenoy (Ind)

Moderator: Farooq Tariq (Pak)

13:30 – 14:30

Lunch

14:30 – 15:30

Session 6: Climate change and livelihood

Lalitha Ramdas(Ind), Netra Timsina (Nep), Reza Chowdhary (BD), Mohd. Latif (M)

Moderator: Najma Sadeq (Pak)

15:30 – 17:30

Session 7: Outlining a strategy towards a Peoples Union

Moderators: Karamat Ali (Pak), Mohiuddin Ahmad (BD)

Vote of thanks : Sarba Khadka (Nep)

Seminar organized by People’s SAARC on 18-19 January 2011 in Dhaka on ‘Envisioning New South Asia: People’s Perspective’ discussed the possible contours of an effective SAARC Union and the possibility of a peaceful, case democratic, united and just South Asia.


Date/time

Programme

17 January 2011

Arrival of participants , steering committee meeting

18 Jan 2011

09:00-10:00

Opening Session:

Chair: Kamla Bhasin (Ind)

Opening Remarks – Kuldip Nayar (Ind), Professor Emeritus Anisuzzaman (BD), Karamat Ali (Pak)

10:00 – 12:00

Session 1: Regional Integration in the age of Globalisation

Joy Chavez (Philippines), Sunila Abeysekera (SL), Neera Chandoke (Ind),

Moderator: Rokeya Kabir (BD)

12:00 – 13:30

Session 2: Trade and investment policy: based on cooperation and complementarity:

Aftab Aalam (Pak), Dr. Khondaker Golam Moazzem (BD),

Moderator: Gautam Modi (Ind)

13:30 – 14:30

Lunch

14:30 – 17.30

Session 3: People to People contact, Migration, and Visa Regimes

Dr. G K Chadha (Ind), Ms. Shaheen Anam (BD), Babu Mathew (Ind),

Moderator: Arjun Karki (Nep)

19 Jan 2011

09:30 – 12:00

Session 4: Conflicts: Afghanistan, Pakistan and India Region

Seema Mustafa (Ind), Raz Mohd. Dalili (Afg), Dr. Hamida Hossain (BD),

Moderator: Meena Menon (Ind)

12:00 – 13:30

Session 5: Conflicts: Ethnic and Religious

Nimalka Fernando(SL), Nurul Kabir (BD), Kamal Chenoy (Ind)

Moderator: Farooq Tariq (Pak)

13:30 – 14:30

Lunch

14:30 – 15:30

Session 6: Climate change and livelihood

Lalitha Ramdas(Ind), Netra Timsina (Nep), Reza Chowdhary (BD), Mohd. Latif (M)

Moderator: Najma Sadeq (Pak)

15:30 – 17:30

Session 7: Outlining a strategy towards a Peoples Union

Moderators: Karamat Ali (Pak), Mohiuddin Ahmad (BD)

Vote of thanks : Sarba Khadka (Nep)

By Walden Bello*

(Speech at the Conference on “Regional Integration: an Opportunity Presented by the Crisis”, Universidad de Deportes, Asuncion, Paraguay, July 21-22, 2009.)

Globalization has ended in massive failure.

One response to this crisis has been to dump export-oriented industrialization and reemphasize the primacy of the national market in sustaining economic growth.

Another response, complementary to this, has been to build regional associations or regional blocs.

Regional economic blocs are not new. However, some of the more prominent ones have either not moved beyond a primitive stage, as in the case of SAARC in South Asia, or have been based on neoliberal principles, like ASEAN in Southeast Asia. ASEAN’s idea of integration is to see it as a step towards full-scale globalization, a process that is termed “open regionalism.”

The most interesting efforts at integration, in the view of many, are those taking place in Latin America, among them Trade Treaty of the Peoples and ALBA or the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas to which eight countries now belong. These experiences are at an early stage and yet they already contain lessons for other parts of the world. It is for this reason that the organizers of this conference decided to hold it in Asuncion, bringing in activists and government officials from Asia and Africa to interact with people in this region to discuss the lessons that developments here have for the rest of the world.

For many of us from outside Latin America, the dynamics of ALBA hold particular interest. One item that fascinates us is the use of barter as a key method of trade, for instance, the exchange of Venezuelan oil for Bolivian soybeans or of Venezuelan oil for medical services rendered by Cuban volunteers. Another is the subsidization of the oil needs of 14 Caribbean countries by Venezuela, which sells fuel to them at 40 per cent off the world price. We are intrigued by the comment of President Hugo Chavez during the World Social Forum in Caracas in 2006 that these practices “go beyond the logic of capitalism.”

Yet we cannot romanticize these efforts. For instance, the plan to build oil and gas pipelines from Venezuela to the furthermost areas of South America is probably dangerous and damaging not only to the environment but also to the indigenous peoples. Some elements of the ALBA perspective, as expressed by some people, reflect the perspective of 1950’s-style national capitalist industrialization, which is probably not suitable for the current period.

The challenges confronting us today cannot be met by either neoliberalism or the old developmentalist model. Let me mention some of these challenges to contemporary regionalism in Latin America and other parts of the South.

1. The first is how to build regional blocs that go beyond trade to include industrial policy, a shared agricultural policy, macroeconomic coordination, and technology sharing.

2. The second is how to ensure that building complementarity among economies does not reproduce the old, unequal division of labor between stronger and weaker economies.

3. The third is how to promote a development process that does not reproduce social inequalities at the regional and national levels in the name of capital accumulation.

4. The fourth is how to promote a development process that is sustainable, that is, one that is built on ecologically benign technologies and is not based on ever-rising material consumption per capita, though of course the spreading of material wealth via income redistribution is necessary to bring people out of poverty.

5. The fifth is how to avoid a technocrat-led process and promote instead the democratization of decision-making in all areas of the economy.

6. The sixth, related to the previous point, is how to move away from a statist process and institutionalize civil society participation in all key areas of economic decisionmaking. Civil society must not only provide a check to both the state and the market, but it must be the leading force in the new economics.

7. Finally, the last I would mention is how to undertake a process of regional integration that transcends the logic of capitalism, to borrow the words of Hugo Chavez.

I propose these as some of the key questions to guide our discussion of regional integration over the next two days.

Thank you.

*Walden Bello is a member of the House of Representatives of the Republic of the Philippines, president of the Freedom from Debt Coalition, and senior analyst at the Bangkok-based institute Focus on the Global South. He is the author of 15 books, the latest of which is The Food Wars (New York: Verso, 2009).

By Elisabeth Gauthier and Walter Baier

transform! europe Newsletter 1/2011

On 15-16 January the Executive Board of the European Left Party gathered in Brussels for the first time after the party’s 3rd congress. During this meeting the main guidelines for a campaign aiming at the accomplishment of a European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity were adopted. In the debate, Elisabeth Gauthier and Walter Baier submitted some of the findings of transform! europe’s continuing projects on the capitalist crisis.

A European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity which provides the states with cheap loans for jobcreating public investments into infrastructures, ampoule ecological projects, click education and research would be a good thing to have. Yet, with regard to such a fund’s economic impact it is crucial how it is to be financed.

Social Democrats propose financing it via European bonds the EU would have to issue (Euro-Bonds). This European application of a classical Keynesian concept is not wrong in principle, on condition that the means mobilised that way are in fact used for public investments and not for servicing the debts. But we must not expect miracles from the Euro Bonds either. The crisis in different shapes which we have been facing since 2007 is no “Keynesian” crisis. To trace alternative strategies we must come to an understanding of the structural causes of the crisis. These can be traced back to the over-accumulation of capital and the crisis of profitability of the 1970s, as well as the subsequent neo-liberal response, the deregulations, the mass unemployment and the precarisation of labour which led to extreme inequalities of income and wealth with ordinary people facing deterioration in their living standards and an increase in poverty, unemployment, social insecurity and fragmentation of society.

From this follows that at the centre of any alternative economic strategy of development there is the question of redistribution of incomes and assets in favour of the majority of the populations and the public services. New revenues for public expenditures are necessary and also possible to be raised from taxation of incomes gained from finance and big property, from socially just tax reforms which stimulate the real economy, from a stop to tax reductions and a closure of the tax havens. Setting a different course will require a tenacious and long-term social and political struggle. We must make clear that the austerity programmes the states are now subjected to will only lead to slowing down the growth of the national debts but not to their reduction. The states find themselves in a debt trap.

Societies are meant to accept that they should pay interests to their creditors for an interminable time and with ever greater sacrifices. This process of exploitation must prompt us to question the legitimacy of the debts. We therefore advocate transparencycreating measures through the introduction of a public, democratic and transparent auditing of the public debts. This would reveal that the debts cannot merely be explained by corrupt and inefficient public administrations but that they are also the result of the wellknown neoliberal strategies, the policies of the banks and the imbalances in Europe.

Only within the framework of such investigations can a decision be made at the European level concerning the question of which parts of the public debt can be acknowledged and which need to be cancelled. One measure that needs to be taken immediately is a restructuring of the European banking sector, through its being subjected to public control and/or ownership.

We reject the austerity programmes that the top-level executives of the EU, the governments and the IMF want to impose on the populations of Europe. The destruction of the welfare state as well as the precarisation of labour aim at pitting the individual segments of the European populations against each other. It is these divisions and the undermining of democracy which are the toe-holds for the politics of the Right in their different shades and hues also including right extremism. The Left must oppose these politics with economic and social programmes of social cohesion and solidarity including the democratisation of the economy aiming at the construction of a large social bloc able to change the balance of the political forces.

 

Summary of the Document (Brussels, 15 January 1011)

European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity

 

The Executive Board of the European Left Party adopted at its meeting in January the roadmap concerning the implementation of the “Citizens’ Initiative” which was decided at the 3rd Congress in Paris (3-5 December 2010). This initiative consists in a process of participatory democracy in that it gives citizens the chance to make requests which makes possible alternative solutions to the current spiral of the deepening crisis. The initiative counteracts the logic of social regression by one of social development. It aims at overcoming the subordination of our lives to the financial markets by enabling progressive emancipation in all its power. Instead of the centralisation of decisions concerning the control of national budgets, we want to increase the implication of citizens and solidarity. To this end, what we demand is the creation of a European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity. This fund is intended to offer lowrate or even no-interest loans to governments for public investments meant to create employment and to boost education, research, public services, useful infrastructures and environmental projects. The originality of this fund lies in how it is to be financed: It is the product of a taxation on financial transactions, on a low-rate or even no-interest loans from the ECB so as to get rid of the domination of financial markets (money creation), while at the same time it provides a substantial contribution to the community budget.

In 2011 we must focus on creating the conditions to take up the ambitious challenge that the Party of the European Left is facing at European level. This mobilization involves awareness-raising initiatives, on the field and on the Internet (for this purpose a list of arguments will be elaborated and updated regularly) the whole year through and in various European capitals or major cities, the organisation of theme-based meetings with trade union representatives, militants from associations, experts, and at the same time big public conventions of a European dimension. The first of them, that will mark the public launch of this campaign, will take place in Athens on 11-13 March. Others will take place in Paris and Madrid in May and in Italy in July.

For the full version please refer to: http://www.european-left.org/nc/english/home/news_archive/news_archive/zurueck/latestnews-home/artikel/roadmap-of-el-campaign/

By Elisabeth Gauthier and Walter Baier

 

 

On 15-16 January the Executive Board of the European Left Party gathered in Brussels for the first time after the party’s 3rd congress. During this meeting the main guidelines for a campaign aiming at the accomplishment of a European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity were adopted. In the debate, treatment Elisabeth Gauthier and Walter Baier submitted some of the findings of transform! europe’s continuing projects on the capitalist crisis.

 

A European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity which provides the states with cheap loans for jobcreating public investments into infrastructures, ecological projects, education and research would be a good thing to have. Yet, with regard to such a fund’s economic impact it is crucial how it is to be financed.

 

Social Democrats propose financing it via European bonds the EU would have to issue (Euro-Bonds). This European application of a classical Keynesian concept is not wrong in principle, on condition that the means mobilised that way are in fact used for public investments and not for servicing the debts. But we must not expect miracles from the Euro Bonds either. The crisis in different shapes which we have been facing since 2007 is no “Keynesian” crisis. To trace alternative strategies we must come to an understanding of the structural causes of the crisis. These can be traced back to the over-accumulation of capital and the crisis of profitability of the 1970s, as well as the subsequent neo-liberal response, the deregulations, the mass unemployment and the precarisation of labour which led to extreme inequalities of income and wealth with ordinary people facing deterioration in their living standards and an increase in poverty, unemployment, social insecurity and fragmentation of society.

 

From this follows that at the centre of any alternative economic strategy of development there is the question of redistribution of incomes and assets in favour of the majority of the populations and the public services. New revenues for public expenditures are necessary and also possible to be raised from taxation of incomes gained from finance and big property, from socially just tax reforms which stimulate the real economy, from a stop to tax reductions and a closure of the tax havens. Setting a different course will require a tenacious and long-term social and political struggle. We must make clear that the austerity programmes the states are now subjected to will only lead to slowing down the growth of the national debts but not to their reduction. The states find themselves in a debt trap.

 

Societies are meant to accept that they should pay interests to their creditors for an interminable time and with ever greater sacrifices. This process of exploitation must prompt us to question the legitimacy of the debts. We therefore advocate transparencycreating measures through the introduction of a public, democratic and transparent auditing of the public debts. This would reveal that the debts cannot merely be explained by corrupt and inefficient public administrations but that they are also the result of the wellknown neoliberal strategies, the policies of the banks and the imbalances in Europe.

 

Only within the framework of such investigations can a decision be made at the European level concerning the question of which parts of the public debt can be acknowledged and which need to be cancelled. One measure that needs to be taken immediately is a restructuring of the European banking sector, through its being subjected to public control and/or ownership.

 

We reject the austerity programmes that the top-level executives of the EU, the governments and the IMF want to impose on the populations of Europe. The destruction of the welfare state as well as the precarisation of labour aim at pitting the individual segments of the European populations against each other. It is these divisions and the undermining of democracy which are the toe-holds for the politics of the Right in their different shades and hues also including right extremism. The Left must oppose these politics with economic and social programmes of social cohesion and solidarity including the democratisation of the economy aiming at the construction of a large social bloc able to change the balance of the political forces.

 

Summary of the Document (Brussels, 15 January 1011)

European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity

 

The Executive Board of the European Left Party adopted at its meeting in January the roadmap concerning the implementation of the “Citizens’ Initiative” which was decided at the 3rd Congress in Paris (3-5 December 2010). This initiative consists in a process of participatory democracy in that it gives citizens the chance to make requests which makes possible alternative solutions to the current spiral of the deepening crisis. The initiative counteracts the logic of social regression by one of social development. It aims at overcoming the subordination of our lives to the financial markets by enabling progressive emancipation in all its power. Instead of the centralisation of decisions concerning the control of national budgets, we want to increase the implication of citizens and solidarity. To this end, what we demand is the creation of a European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity. This fund is intended to offer lowrate or even no-interest loans to governments for public investments meant to create employment and to boost education, research, public services, useful infrastructures and environmental projects. The originality of this fund lies in how it is to be financed: It is the product of a taxation on financial transactions, on a low-rate or even no-interest loans from the ECB so as to get rid of the domination of financial markets (money creation), while at the same time it provides a substantial contribution to the community budget.

 

In 2011 we must focus on creating the conditions to take up the ambitious challenge that the Party of the European Left is facing at European level. This mobilization involves awareness-raising initiatives, on the field and on the Internet (for this purpose a list of arguments will be elaborated and updated regularly) the whole year through and in various European capitals or major cities, the organisation of theme-based meetings with trade union representatives, militants from associations, experts, and at the same time big public conventions of a European dimension. The first of them, that will mark the public launch of this campaign, will take place in Athens on 11-13 March. Others will take place in Paris and Madrid in May and in Italy in July.

 

For the full version please refer to: http://www.european-left.org/nc/english/home/news_archive/news_archive/zurueck/latestnews-

home/artikel/roadmap-of-el-campaign/

by Corporate Europe Observatory

19 January 2011

2011 may mark a watershed in the history of the European Union. Using the pretext of the “euro crisis”, rx the European Commission and the Council have put forward proposals to give the EU new powers to deal with core welfare issues, pills including social benefits and wages, under a new technocratic procedure –  hard (if not impossible) to track, let alone influence by those who stand to lose out. The proposals embody a corporate social and economic agenda which, if enacted, will constitute a “silent revolution” imposed from above, with no real democratic debate or popular participation.The proposed changes – which involve a series of proposed rules on ‘economic governance’ – have been welcomed by the EU’s key big business lobby groups, which see some of their traditional key lobby demands reflected in the changes. In particular, a new procedure to “correct macroeconomic imbalances” will break new ground, allowing decisions to be made at the EU-level on wage levels and social-service budgets for individual member states. The business lobby hopes that the new rules will complement the business friendly EU 2020 Strategy with strong enforcement measures.Despite the issues at stake, this “silent revolution” has so far received too little attention from a wider audience. There is an urgent need for a democratic debate throughout the EU, in particular on alternatives to the austere neoliberal model of ‘economic governance’ that is now being pushed by the Commission and the Council. And it will require a broad-based social struggle to make the alternatives a reality.


Download full article in pdf

By Elisabeth Gauthier and Walter Baier

transform! europe Newsletter 1/2011

 

On 15-16 January the Executive Board of the European Left Party gathered in Brussels for the first time after the party’s 3rd congress. During this meeting the main guidelines for a campaign aiming at the accomplishment of a European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity were adopted. In the debate, seek Elisabeth Gauthier and Walter Baier submitted some of the findings of transform! europe’s continuing projects on the capitalist crisis.

 

A European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity which provides the states with cheap loans for jobcreating public investments into infrastructures, ecological projects, education and research would be a good thing to have. Yet, with regard to such a fund’s economic impact it is crucial how it is to be financed.

 

Social Democrats propose financing it via European bonds the EU would have to issue (Euro-Bonds). This European application of a classical Keynesian concept is not wrong in principle, on condition that the means mobilised that way are in fact used for public investments and not for servicing the debts. But we must not expect miracles from the Euro Bonds either. The crisis in different shapes which we have been facing since 2007 is no “Keynesian” crisis. To trace alternative strategies we must come to an understanding of the structural causes of the crisis. These can be traced back to the over-accumulation of capital and the crisis of profitability of the 1970s, as well as the subsequent neo-liberal response, the deregulations, the mass unemployment and the precarisation of labour which led to extreme inequalities of income and wealth with ordinary people facing deterioration in their living standards and an increase in poverty, unemployment, social insecurity and fragmentation of society.

 

From this follows that at the centre of any alternative economic strategy of development there is the question of redistribution of incomes and assets in favour of the majority of the populations and the public services. New revenues for public expenditures are necessary and also possible to be raised from taxation of incomes gained from finance and big property, from socially just tax reforms which stimulate the real economy, from a stop to tax reductions and a closure of the tax havens. Setting a different course will require a tenacious and long-term social and political struggle. We must make clear that the austerity programmes the states are now subjected to will only lead to slowing down the growth of the national debts but not to their reduction. The states find themselves in a debt trap.

 

Societies are meant to accept that they should pay interests to their creditors for an interminable time and with ever greater sacrifices. This process of exploitation must prompt us to question the legitimacy of the debts. We therefore advocate transparencycreating measures through the introduction of a public, democratic and transparent auditing of the public debts. This would reveal that the debts cannot merely be explained by corrupt and inefficient public administrations but that they are also the result of the wellknown neoliberal strategies, the policies of the banks and the imbalances in Europe.

 

Only within the framework of such investigations can a decision be made at the European level concerning the question of which parts of the public debt can be acknowledged and which need to be cancelled. One measure that needs to be taken immediately is a restructuring of the European banking sector, through its being subjected to public control and/or ownership.

 

We reject the austerity programmes that the top-level executives of the EU, the governments and the IMF want to impose on the populations of Europe. The destruction of the welfare state as well as the precarisation of labour aim at pitting the individual segments of the European populations against each other. It is these divisions and the undermining of democracy which are the toe-holds for the politics of the Right in their different shades and hues also including right extremism. The Left must oppose these politics with economic and social programmes of social cohesion and solidarity including the democratisation of the economy aiming at the construction of a large social bloc able to change the balance of the political forces.

 

Summary of the Document (Brussels, 15 January 1011)

European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity

 

The Executive Board of the European Left Party adopted at its meeting in January the roadmap concerning the implementation of the “Citizens’ Initiative” which was decided at the 3rd Congress in Paris (3-5 December 2010). This initiative consists in a process of participatory democracy in that it gives citizens the chance to make requests which makes possible alternative solutions to the current spiral of the deepening crisis. The initiative counteracts the logic of social regression by one of social development. It aims at overcoming the subordination of our lives to the financial markets by enabling progressive emancipation in all its power. Instead of the centralisation of decisions concerning the control of national budgets, we want to increase the implication of citizens and solidarity. To this end, what we demand is the creation of a European Fund for Social Development and Solidarity. This fund is intended to offer lowrate or even no-interest loans to governments for public investments meant to create employment and to boost education, research, public services, useful infrastructures and environmental projects. The originality of this fund lies in how it is to be financed: It is the product of a taxation on financial transactions, on a low-rate or even no-interest loans from the ECB so as to get rid of the domination of financial markets (money creation), while at the same time it provides a substantial contribution to the community budget.

 

In 2011 we must focus on creating the conditions to take up the ambitious challenge that the Party of the European Left is facing at European level. This mobilization involves awareness-raising initiatives, on the field and on the Internet (for this purpose a list of arguments will be elaborated and updated regularly) the whole year through and in various European capitals or major cities, the organisation of theme-based meetings with trade union representatives, militants from associations, experts, and at the same time big public conventions of a European dimension. The first of them, that will mark the public launch of this campaign, will take place in Athens on 11-13 March. Others will take place in Paris and Madrid in May and in Italy in July.

 

For the full version please refer to: http://www.european-left.org/nc/english/home/news_archive/news_archive/zurueck/latestnews-home/artikel/roadmap-of-el-campaign/

by Corporate Europe Observatory

19 January 2011

2011 may mark a watershed in the history of the European Union. Using the pretext of the “euro crisis”, the European Commission and the Council have put forward proposals to give the EU new powers to deal with core welfare issues, including social benefits and wages, under a new technocratic procedure –  hard (if not impossible) to track, let alone influence by those who stand to lose out. The proposals embody a corporate social and economic agenda which, if enacted, will constitute a “silent revolution” imposed from above, with no real democratic debate or popular participation.The proposed changes – which involve a series of proposed rules on ‘economic governance’ – have been welcomed by the EU’s key big business lobby groups, which see some of their traditional key lobby demands reflected in the changes. In particular, a new procedure to “correct macroeconomic imbalances” will break new ground, allowing decisions to be made at the EU-level on wage levels and social-service budgets for individual member states. The business lobby hopes that the new rules will complement the business friendly EU 2020 Strategy with strong enforcement measures.Despite the issues at stake, this “silent revolution” has so far received too little attention from a wider audience. There is an urgent need for a democratic debate throughout the EU, in particular on alternatives to the austere neoliberal model of ‘economic governance’ that is now being pushed by the Commission and the Council. And it will require a broad-based social struggle to make the alternatives a reality.



by Corporate Europe Observatory

19 January 2011

2011 may mark a watershed in the history of the European Union. Using the pretext of the “euro crisis”, sovaldi the European Commission and the Council have put forward proposals to give the EU new powers to deal with core welfare issues, rx including social benefits and wages, under a new technocratic procedure –  hard (if not impossible) to track, let alone influence by those who stand to lose out. The proposals embody a corporate social and economic agenda which, if enacted, will constitute a “silent revolution” imposed from above, with no real democratic debate or popular participation.The proposed changes – which involve a series of proposed rules on ‘economic governance’ – have been welcomed by the EU’s key big business lobby groups, which see some of their traditional key lobby demands reflected in the changes. In particular, a new procedure to “correct macroeconomic imbalances” will break new ground, allowing decisions to be made at the EU-level on wage levels and social-service budgets for individual member states. The business lobby hopes that the new rules will complement the business friendly EU 2020 Strategy with strong enforcement measures.Despite the issues at stake, this “silent revolution” has so far received too little attention from a wider audience. There is an urgent need for a democratic debate throughout the EU, in particular on alternatives to the austere neoliberal model of ‘economic governance’ that is now being pushed by the Commission and the Council. And it will require a broad-based social struggle to make the alternatives a reality.


Download full article in pdf

World Social Forum in Dakar

Date and time    9 Feb- 16h to 19h

Rationale
The present crisis has highlighted the instability and contradictory nature of the capitalist system, sildenafil including its dependency on external political and financial underpinnings. While the Global Paradigm Crisis continues to deepen, specific crises intensify. There is an intense and urgent challenge to re-articulate a de-globalisation vision and strategy and dedicated work on Alternatives, including at regional and cross regional level.

Objectives   
– Make the case for the need for de-globalisation in a context of crises.
– Contribute to the understanding of alternative regional integration as a key strategy to struggle against neoliberal globalisation
– Broaden the base among key social actors for political debate and action towards a people-centred regional integration
– Facilitate sharing and learning cross-regional analysis and experiences
– Identify issues for further co-operation

Programme   
– Introduction: The changes in international conjuncture and state of social movements in this new conjuncture
– Africa: state of play and current perspectives on regional alternatives 
– The current role and challenges of alternative regional integration in the process of de-globalisation and crises.
– Going Forward: Strengthening cross-regional sharing of experiences & strategies.


Co-organised by: People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalism (PAAR), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), Economic Justice Network (EJN), SEATINI, Hemispheric Social Alliance, (HSA), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy-SAPA, Focus on the Global South, Equit, Rebrip, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, Transnational Institute (TNI), GUE/NLG EP.

Summary report of the World Social Forum (01/09) and ASEAN Peoples' Forum (02/09); "Global Crises-Regional Responses: the inter-linkages between climate change, trade and regional integration"

This report compiles the exchanges of analysis on the role of Europe in a globalized world over three interconnected issues: climate change, trade and regional integration held during two debates which took place in Belem during the World Social Forum (January 2009), and in Bangkok, Thailand during the ASEAN Peoples’ Forum (February 2009):
– Emerging crises: De-globalisation? Opportunities and challenges for regional alternatives, World Social Forum 2009, 31/01/09, 12:00 to 15:00, UFPA Básico, Hb, H 4, Universidad Federal do Pará, Belem
do Pará, Brasil
– Emerging Crises: Deglobalization and Alternative Regionalisms?: Opportunities and challenges for regional alternatives
– ASEAN Peoples’ Forum, Saturday, Feb. 21, 2009, 9am-11am, B2. 106 (60 pax), Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, Thailand.

These debates aimed at promoting civil society exchanges of perspectives and common analysis on the role of Europe in a globalized world over three interconnected issues: climate change, trade and regional integration as a basis for a new level for action and engagement towards the development of regional alternatives on these issues.

They were co-organised by Hemispheric Social Alliance (ASC) Focus on the Global South, Third World Network-Africa and Transnational Institute (TNI).

These debates counted with the inputs from the following people: Adhemar Mineiro (REBRIP – Brazil); Walden Bello (Focus on the Global South & Freedom from Debt Coalition, Philippines); Michelle Pressend (Trade Strategy Group/ATN, South Africa); Joy Chavez (Focus on the Global South/SAPA, Philippines); Afsar Jafri (Focus on the Global South & People’s SAARC, India); Graciela Rodriguez (IGTN, Brazil); Brid Brennan (Transnational Institute, Netherlands); Thomas Wallgren (Attac Finland), Gonzalo Berron (CSA/HAS); Cecilia Olivet (Transnational Institute, Netherlands).
For the first time representatives from social movements and civil society organizations from four continents have come together to discuss alternative forms of regional integration, coordinate and compare their regional engagement and outline strategies for the future.


Download the report

VIDEOS: “International Conference of Governments and Social Movements “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises” (21-22 July 2009, Paraguay)

Watch online the video recording from the International Conference of Governments and Social Movements “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises” held 21-22 July 2009 in Paraguay.

The Conference was organised as a series of round tables for dialogue bringing together parliamentarians, governments and civil society representatives from Latin America, seek Africa, Asia and Europe.

The objective of this International Conference was to advance the debate among governments, regional/international bodies, policy makers, parliamentarians and social movements from the four regions about the possibilities to respond to these crises through regional alternatives and a model of regional integration that promotes a change in the development model of the regions.


CONFERENCE INTRODUCTION
– Gonzalo Berron, ASC/CSA (Brasil)
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, (Netherlands)
– Gustavo Codas, Presidencia Gobierno (Paraguay)

PANEL 1: SYSTEMIC CRISIS, IMPACTS OF THE CRISIS ON REGIONAL INTEGRATION PROCESSES

PANEL 2: REGIONAL RESPONSES TO THE CRISES

PANEL 3: REGIONAL INTEGRATION: RE-THINKING THE DEVELOPMENT MODEL. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

PANEL 4: DEVELOPMENT MODEL AND INFRASTRUCTURE

PANEL 5: ENERGY CRISIS AND CLIMATE CHANGE: THE CHALLENGE TO FIND REGIONAL SOLUTIONS

PANEL 6: PRODUCTION MODEL AND FOOD SOVEREIGNTY

PANEL 7: FINANCES AND DEVELOPMENT MODEL: NEW REGIONAL FINANCIAL STRUCTURES

PANEL 8: REGIONAL PEACE, DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS

CLOSING PANEL: REGIONAL INTEGRATION: CHALLENGES FOR THE MOVEMENTS AND THE GOVERNMENTS

Public Forum Global Crises: Regional alternatives Perspectives from Asia, Latin America and Europe

The events of People’s SAARC in Kathmandu were organized from 23 to 25 March 2007 with an objective of strengthening the people’s solidarity in South Asia in tune with the vision and perspectives of an alternative model for political, social, economic, and cultural order that must ensure democracy, justice and peace for all in the region. Moreover, it aimed to strengthen people-to-people relationships in the region that would inaugurate a climate to revive the balance and harmony among the people. It should liquidate artificial and inhuman barriers that divide lands, people and minds, transcending all the boundaries.


Proceedings of People's SAARC cover sheet

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Jenina Joy Chavez / Focus on the Global South

 

(Presentation at the Conference on “Regional Integration: an Opportunity Presented by the Crisis”, Asuncion, for sale Paraguay, site July 21-22, 2009.)

 

 

What I will tackle this evening is an updated version of the notes I used for the Regional Integration: Opportunities to Face the Crisis conference in Asuncion, Paraguay, and the Philippine WS on ASEAN, earlier this year. There is no claim that regional responses are the only viable responses to the global crisis, but hopefully we would be able to determine if it is appropriate to study and consider them as part of the many options on alternates we can try.

 

Before the crisis, it has been projected that in about a decade, the South –that is, the developing countries – would account for more than half of the world income and more than 50% of global trade. It has been trumpeted all over that Asia together with other emerging economies would be the major growth drivers in the world economy, highlighting the relevance of South-South cooperation, particularly regional economic integration in Asia.

 

For Asia, at least, this claim has been put to the test with the onset of the global financial crisis that put into the spotlight the basic development paradigm deployed by what is considered the world over as prosperous Asia.

 

 

In terms of what has happened in the last year and a half, following are some observations on how Asia tried to respond to the crisis:

 

  • First, unlike what characterized how the North (particularly Western Europe and North America) responded to the crisis, Asia’s response does not include massive bailout packages to failing corporations, particularly ailing financial entities.

 

    • This highlights the differential manifestations of the crisis. While financialization is a global phenomenon, sparing no one and certainly not Asia, Asia still hosts one of the most robust productive capacity worldwide – that is, the real economy remains the most significant feature of Asia’s growth and development.

 

  • Second, in most countries, though, the immediate response was to address the liquidity crunch and the crisis of confidence, especially in the banking system. This included moves to increase deposit insurance coverage, and guarantees on deposit-taking institutions. As a result, massive bank runs have been avoided.

 

  • Third, from the initial liquidity crunch, economic slowdown became the norm. Hence, governments moved to address this by increasing liquidity and easing credit and monetary policy, including intervening in foreign exchange markets. Many state enterprises also increased their shareholdings in publicly-traded companies. The result – relative low interest rates.

 

  • Fourth, stimulus packages have at their center fiscal policy and public spending, although social sector spending has not received much attention.

 

    • Asian countries have devoted between less than ½ percent of GDP to their fiscal stimulus package to more than 9%.

    • Among the biggest packages are those of the following:

      • Singapore, $15B (6%)

      • Malaysia, $2B initially to $16B (9% of GDP)

      • China, $600B spread only over 2 years

    • Most of the stimulus packages have a central tax break or tax credit component, as well as capital spending, including re-capitalization of state-run banks, most notably in India.

 

  • Fifth, the Asian response has been centered around resiliency. That is, they are focused on minimizing unemployment and on creating employment opportunities

 

    • With programs like job credits or payouts to employers of up to 12% of salaries (Singapore)

    • Various skills upgrading and retraining programs

    • Welfare support to retrenched workers and returning overseas workers.

    • Such resiliency packages, though, highlighted some tensions inherent in the increasingly connected Asian economies and job markets.

      • For instance, part of Malaysia’s and Singapore’s response is to cut down or crackdown on migrant workers, a classic response to appease worker’s restiveness at home, and a blatant disregard to the ripple such moves might effect.

 

  • Sixth, at least the ASEAN+3 is trying to improve on a regional financial cooperation first introduced in 2000 as a response to the 97/98 Asian financial crisis.

    • The Chiang Mai Initiative is a collaboration to create a network of bilateral swap arrangements to manage short-term liquidity problems.

    • From $20B in 2000, it increased to $80B in 2008, and earlier this year was increased further to $120B.

    • Moreover, the swaps are being multilateralized, a step towards developing from a bilateral into a regional pool.

    • This is about the only such regional initiative in Asia. There is no equivalent for South Asia, or in West and Central Asia.

 

 

From these observations, several key questions emerge:

 

  • 1st: would Asia be able to export its way out of the crisis? Is it even proper to aim only for this?

 

  • 2nd:: would the regional integration vaunted to be necessary to solidify and further the growth in Asia be resorted to, or given life in practice, in the wake of this crisis?

 

  • 3rd: in the design of crisis response, what is Asia aiming for?

    • Is it just to recover previous levels of consumption and economic activity?

    • How much of the response is for immediate relief, extremely necessary at this time?

    • And how much of this response is for the long-term and tries to take advantage of converting the crisis into opportunity?

 

 

At this point, I would like to emphasize three points that interrogate what Asia has managed or not managed to do:

 

  • One, note that the responses now differ qualitatively from the responses Asia had a decade ago.

 

    • There is no IMF, not least because the IMF has gained notoriety and lost a lot of credibility because of how it bungled its job in the late 1990s.

    • Not only is there no IMF, the policy and programmatic responses of Asia have been antithesis to what the IMF formerly prescribed.

      • There was no interest cure that killed business; instead efforts were concentrated on preserving relative low interest rates (including intervention in the forex market).

      • There were many elements of direct transfers, subsidies, and re-capitalization; something the IMF would never do (at least before).

    • In short, the responses are not patently neoliberal.

 

  • Two, these responses have not warranted enough incentive towards a focus on internal demand, on the one hand, and on coordinated expanded demand regionally, on the other.

 

    • More pointedly, it is a concern that Asia should even set as its main objective the recovery and maintenance of consumption levels prior to the crisis.

    • We should not be overly concerned about trying to save what has been clearly a cause of failure. It is high time for Asia to draw from regional resources and invent something that will again set it apart – or, place it in cooperation with other regions trying to imagine things differently.

 

  • Three, there is concern that ASEAN+3 finds it difficult to make good on regional financial cooperation as designed through the Chiang Mai Initiative and related processes.

 

    • Take for instance, when South Korea got hit when the Lehman Brothers collapsed, it negotiated a $30B foreign exchange swap with the US Federal Reserve and not the ASEAN+3. (They came later.)

    • Despite increases in commitments, the CMI is still not functional, and the IMF still plays a role when countries tap the CMI for more than 20% of their requirement, detracting from the importance of financial as well policy autonomy for Asia.

 

 

There are certainly elements of response – some quite innovative or at least properly targeted – in Asia. The question is whether Asia is able to turn the crisis on its head, and be able to emerge with another unique contribution to development discourse as it has been known to have done in the past.

 

Moreover, we as civil society and social movements, in our interrogation of possible alternatives, esp. if we have little or no hold on power – the question of how to get that power either by holding political power ourselves or rallying massive constituencies on our side – is key.

 

The final set of points I wish to make has to do with the areas where regional response would be crucial:

 

  • One, the need to focus on internal demand and a more coordinated rationalization of regional demand.

 

    • There is need to re-imagine trade and production cooperation, where instead of competition, the prevailing principles would be cooperation, complementation and solidarity.

    • Such arrangement must address the issue of excess, and should have as outer limit some climate and ecological threshold.

 

  • Two, there is need to overhaul the financial architecture for Asia

 

    • Away from dependence on Northern currencies, esp. the American $

    • And towards the pooling of alternative sources of development finance

    • As well as appropriate surveillance and monitoring systems (without the IMF) that assist countries and build confidence that every one takes responsibility for regional financial stability

 

  • Three, there is need to strengthen regional stockpiling for food security

 

    • South Asia has better experience on this although technically Southeast Asia pledges bigger reserves

    • Away from trade logic and towards regional self-help and development of crisis response capabilities.

 

  • Four, there is need to re-imagine the public

 

    • It is time to talk about the public not only in the narrow confines of the State or the government, but also support different forms of provisioning that allowed communities to survive at a time that the State was neglecting them.

    • It must be recognized that such strength can be scaled up at the national and the regional level.

 

  • Five, whatever alternative we think of, resonance with the people is important.

 

    • We need to start where there is clear demand, and patent need, to make regional arrangements acceptable to the people

      • Migration

      • Rights and democracy

      • Decent living standards and environment

      • Ability to generate economic activity and distribute its fruits equitably

    • There is need to also work on something that works and shows results in the immediate even as the strategic alternative structures are still being constructed.

Jenina Joy Chavez / Focus on the Global South

 

(Presentation at the Conference on “Regional Integration: an Opportunity Presented by the Crisis”, diagnosis Asuncion, Paraguay, July 21-22, 2009.)

 

What I will tackle this evening is an updated version of the notes I used for the Regional Integration: Opportunities to Face the Crisis conference in Asuncion, Paraguay, and the Philippine WS on ASEAN, earlier this year. There is no claim that regional responses are the only viable responses to the global crisis, but hopefully we would be able to determine if it is appropriate to study and consider them as part of the many options on alternates we can try.

Before the crisis, it has been projected that in about a decade, the South –that is, the developing countries – would account for more than half of the world income and more than 50% of global trade. It has been trumpeted all over that Asia together with other emerging economies would be the major growth drivers in the world economy, highlighting the relevance of South-South cooperation, particularly regional economic integration in Asia.

For Asia, at least, this claim has been put to the test with the onset of the global financial crisis that put into the spotlight the basic development paradigm deployed by what is considered the world over as prosperous Asia.

In terms of what has happened in the last year and a half, following are some observations on how Asia tried to respond to the crisis:

First, unlike what characterized how the North (particularly Western Europe and North America) responded to the crisis, Asia’s response does not include massive bailout packages to failing corporations, particularly ailing financial entities.

This highlights the differential manifestations of the crisis. While financialization is a global phenomenon, sparing no one and certainly not Asia, Asia still hosts one of the most robust productive capacity worldwide – that is, the real economy remains the most significant feature of Asia’s growth and development.

Second, in most countries, though, the immediate response was to address the liquidity crunch and the crisis of confidence, especially in the banking system. This included moves to increase deposit insurance coverage, and guarantees on deposit-taking institutions. As a result, massive bank runs have been avoided.

Third, from the initial liquidity crunch, economic slowdown became the norm. Hence, governments moved to address this by increasing liquidity and easing credit and monetary policy, including intervening in foreign exchange markets. Many state enterprises also increased their shareholdings in publicly-traded companies. The result – relative low interest rates.

Fourth, stimulus packages have at their center fiscal policy and public spending, although social sector spending has not received much attention.

Asian countries have devoted between less than ½ percent of GDP to their fiscal stimulus package to more than 9%.

Among the biggest packages are those of the following:

      • Singapore, $15B (6%)
      • Malaysia, $2B initially to $16B (9% of GDP)
      • China, $600B spread only over 2 years

Most of the stimulus packages have a central tax break or tax credit component, as well as capital spending, including re-capitalization of state-run banks, most notably in India.

Fifth, the Asian response has been centered around resiliency. That is, they are focused on minimizing unemployment and on creating employment opportunities

With programs like job credits or payouts to employers of up to 12% of salaries (Singapore)

Various skills upgrading and retraining programs

Welfare support to retrenched workers and returning overseas workers.

Such resiliency packages, though, highlighted some tensions inherent in the increasingly connected Asian economies and job markets.

      • For instance, part of Malaysia’s and Singapore’s response is to cut down or crackdown on migrant workers, a classic response to appease worker’s restiveness at home, and a blatant disregard to the ripple such moves might effect.

Sixth, at least the ASEAN+3 is trying to improve on a regional financial cooperation first introduced in 2000 as a response to the 97/98 Asian financial crisis.

The Chiang Mai Initiative is a collaboration to create a network of bilateral swap arrangements to manage short-term liquidity problems.

From $20B in 2000, it increased to $80B in 2008, and earlier this year was increased further to $120B.

Moreover, the swaps are being multilateralized, a step towards developing from a bilateral into a regional pool.

This is about the only such regional initiative in Asia. There is no equivalent for South Asia, or in West and Central Asia.

From these observations, several key questions emerge:

1st: would Asia be able to export its way out of the crisis? Is it even proper to aim only for this?

2nd:: would the regional integration vaunted to be necessary to solidify and further the growth in Asia be resorted to, or given life in practice, in the wake of this crisis?

3rd: in the design of crisis response, what is Asia aiming for?

Is it just to recover previous levels of consumption and economic activity?

How much of the response is for immediate relief, extremely necessary at this time?

And how much of this response is for the long-term and tries to take advantage of converting the crisis into opportunity?

At this point, I would like to emphasize three points that interrogate what Asia has managed or not managed to do:

One, note that the responses now differ qualitatively from the responses Asia had a decade ago.

There is no IMF, not least because the IMF has gained notoriety and lost a lot of credibility because of how it bungled its job in the late 1990s.

Not only is there no IMF, the policy and programmatic responses of Asia have been antithesis to what the IMF formerly prescribed.

      • There was no interest cure that killed business; instead efforts were concentrated on preserving relative low interest rates (including intervention in the forex market).
      • There were many elements of direct transfers, subsidies, and re-capitalization; something the IMF would never do (at least before).

In short, the responses are not patently neoliberal.

Two, these responses have not warranted enough incentive towards a focus on internal demand, on the one hand, and on coordinated expanded demand regionally, on the other.

More pointedly, it is a concern that Asia should even set as its main objective the recovery and maintenance of consumption levels prior to the crisis.

We should not be overly concerned about trying to save what has been clearly a cause of failure. It is high time for Asia to draw from regional resources and invent something that will again set it apart – or, place it in cooperation with other regions trying to imagine things differently.

Three, there is concern that ASEAN+3 finds it difficult to make good on regional financial cooperation as designed through the Chiang Mai Initiative and related processes.

Take for instance, when South Korea got hit when the Lehman Brothers collapsed, it negotiated a $30B foreign exchange swap with the US Federal Reserve and not the ASEAN+3. (They came later.)

Despite increases in commitments, the CMI is still not functional, and the IMF still plays a role when countries tap the CMI for more than 20% of their requirement, detracting from the importance of financial as well policy autonomy for Asia.

There are certainly elements of response – some quite innovative or at least properly targeted – in Asia. The question is whether Asia is able to turn the crisis on its head, and be able to emerge with another unique contribution to development discourse as it has been known to have done in the past.

Moreover, we as civil society and social movements, in our interrogation of possible alternatives, esp. if we have little or no hold on power – the question of how to get that power either by holding political power ourselves or rallying massive constituencies on our side – is key.

The final set of points I wish to make has to do with the areas where regional response would be crucial:

One, the need to focus on internal demand and a more coordinated rationalization of regional demand.

There is need to re-imagine trade and production cooperation, where instead of competition, the prevailing principles would be cooperation, complementation and solidarity.

Such arrangement must address the issue of excess, and should have as outer limit some climate and ecological threshold.

Two, there is need to overhaul the financial architecture for Asia

Away from dependence on Northern currencies, esp. the American $

And towards the pooling of alternative sources of development finance

As well as appropriate surveillance and monitoring systems (without the IMF) that assist countries and build confidence that every one takes responsibility for regional financial stability

Three, there is need to strengthen regional stockpiling for food security

South Asia has better experience on this although technically Southeast Asia pledges bigger reserves

Away from trade logic and towards regional self-help and development of crisis response capabilities.

Four, there is need to re-imagine the public

It is time to talk about the public not only in the narrow confines of the State or the government, but also support different forms of provisioning that allowed communities to survive at a time that the State was neglecting them.

It must be recognized that such strength can be scaled up at the national and the regional level.

Five, whatever alternative we think of, resonance with the people is important.

We need to start where there is clear demand, and patent need, to make regional arrangements acceptable to the people

      • Migration
      • Rights and democracy
      • Decent living standards and environment
      • Ability to generate economic activity and distribute its fruits equitably

There is need to also work on something that works and shows results in the immediate even as the strategic alternative structures are still being constructed.


<!– @page { margin: 0.79in } P { margin-bottom: 0.08in } A:link { color: #0000ff } –>

Jenina Joy Chavez / Focus on the Global South

 

(Presentation at the Conference on “Regional Integration: an Opportunity Presented by the Crisis”, online Asuncion, Paraguay, July 21-22, 2009.)

 

 

What I will tackle this evening is an updated version of the notes I used for the Regional Integration: Opportunities to Face the Crisis conference in Asuncion, Paraguay, and the Philippine WS on ASEAN, earlier this year. There is no claim that regional responses are the only viable responses to the global crisis, but hopefully we would be able to determine if it is appropriate to study and consider them as part of the many options on alternates we can try.

 

Before the crisis, it has been projected that in about a decade, the South –that is, the developing countries – would account for more than half of the world income and more than 50% of global trade. It has been trumpeted all over that Asia together with other emerging economies would be the major growth drivers in the world economy, highlighting the relevance of South-South cooperation, particularly regional economic integration in Asia.

 

For Asia, at least, this claim has been put to the test with the onset of the global financial crisis that put into the spotlight the basic development paradigm deployed by what is considered the world over as prosperous Asia.

 

 

In terms of what has happened in the last year and a half, following are some observations on how Asia tried to respond to the crisis:

 

  • First, unlike what characterized how the North (particularly Western Europe and North America) responded to the crisis, Asia’s response does not include massive bailout packages to failing corporations, particularly ailing financial entities.

 

    • This highlights the differential manifestations of the crisis. While financialization is a global phenomenon, sparing no one and certainly not Asia, Asia still hosts one of the most robust productive capacity worldwide – that is, the real economy remains the most significant feature of Asia’s growth and development.

 

  • Second, in most countries, though, the immediate response was to address the liquidity crunch and the crisis of confidence, especially in the banking system. This included moves to increase deposit insurance coverage, and guarantees on deposit-taking institutions. As a result, massive bank runs have been avoided.

 

  • Third, from the initial liquidity crunch, economic slowdown became the norm. Hence, governments moved to address this by increasing liquidity and easing credit and monetary policy, including intervening in foreign exchange markets. Many state enterprises also increased their shareholdings in publicly-traded companies. The result – relative low interest rates.

 

  • Fourth, stimulus packages have at their center fiscal policy and public spending, although social sector spending has not received much attention.

 

    • Asian countries have devoted between less than ½ percent of GDP to their fiscal stimulus package to more than 9%.

    • Among the biggest packages are those of the following:

      • Singapore, $15B (6%)

      • Malaysia, $2B initially to $16B (9% of GDP)

      • China, $600B spread only over 2 years

    • Most of the stimulus packages have a central tax break or tax credit component, as well as capital spending, including re-capitalization of state-run banks, most notably in India.

 

  • Fifth, the Asian response has been centered around resiliency. That is, they are focused on minimizing unemployment and on creating employment opportunities

 

    • With programs like job credits or payouts to employers of up to 12% of salaries (Singapore)

    • Various skills upgrading and retraining programs

    • Welfare support to retrenched workers and returning overseas workers.

    • Such resiliency packages, though, highlighted some tensions inherent in the increasingly connected Asian economies and job markets.

      • For instance, part of Malaysia’s and Singapore’s response is to cut down or crackdown on migrant workers, a classic response to appease worker’s restiveness at home, and a blatant disregard to the ripple such moves might effect.

 

  • Sixth, at least the ASEAN+3 is trying to improve on a regional financial cooperation first introduced in 2000 as a response to the 97/98 Asian financial crisis.

    • The Chiang Mai Initiative is a collaboration to create a network of bilateral swap arrangements to manage short-term liquidity problems.

    • From $20B in 2000, it increased to $80B in 2008, and earlier this year was increased further to $120B.

    • Moreover, the swaps are being multilateralized, a step towards developing from a bilateral into a regional pool.

    • This is about the only such regional initiative in Asia. There is no equivalent for South Asia, or in West and Central Asia.

 

 

From these observations, several key questions emerge:

 

  • 1st: would Asia be able to export its way out of the crisis? Is it even proper to aim only for this?

 

  • 2nd:: would the regional integration vaunted to be necessary to solidify and further the growth in Asia be resorted to, or given life in practice, in the wake of this crisis?

 

  • 3rd: in the design of crisis response, what is Asia aiming for?

    • Is it just to recover previous levels of consumption and economic activity?

    • How much of the response is for immediate relief, extremely necessary at this time?

    • And how much of this response is for the long-term and tries to take advantage of converting the crisis into opportunity?

 

 

At this point, I would like to emphasize three points that interrogate what Asia has managed or not managed to do:

 

  • One, note that the responses now differ qualitatively from the responses Asia had a decade ago.

 

    • There is no IMF, not least because the IMF has gained notoriety and lost a lot of credibility because of how it bungled its job in the late 1990s.

    • Not only is there no IMF, the policy and programmatic responses of Asia have been antithesis to what the IMF formerly prescribed.

      • There was no interest cure that killed business; instead efforts were concentrated on preserving relative low interest rates (including intervention in the forex market).

      • There were many elements of direct transfers, subsidies, and re-capitalization; something the IMF would never do (at least before).

    • In short, the responses are not patently neoliberal.

 

  • Two, these responses have not warranted enough incentive towards a focus on internal demand, on the one hand, and on coordinated expanded demand regionally, on the other.

 

    • More pointedly, it is a concern that Asia should even set as its main objective the recovery and maintenance of consumption levels prior to the crisis.

    • We should not be overly concerned about trying to save what has been clearly a cause of failure. It is high time for Asia to draw from regional resources and invent something that will again set it apart – or, place it in cooperation with other regions trying to imagine things differently.

 

  • Three, there is concern that ASEAN+3 finds it difficult to make good on regional financial cooperation as designed through the Chiang Mai Initiative and related processes.

 

    • Take for instance, when South Korea got hit when the Lehman Brothers collapsed, it negotiated a $30B foreign exchange swap with the US Federal Reserve and not the ASEAN+3. (They came later.)

    • Despite increases in commitments, the CMI is still not functional, and the IMF still plays a role when countries tap the CMI for more than 20% of their requirement, detracting from the importance of financial as well policy autonomy for Asia.

 

 

There are certainly elements of response – some quite innovative or at least properly targeted – in Asia. The question is whether Asia is able to turn the crisis on its head, and be able to emerge with another unique contribution to development discourse as it has been known to have done in the past.

 

Moreover, we as civil society and social movements, in our interrogation of possible alternatives, esp. if we have little or no hold on power – the question of how to get that power either by holding political power ourselves or rallying massive constituencies on our side – is key.

 

The final set of points I wish to make has to do with the areas where regional response would be crucial:

 

  • One, the need to focus on internal demand and a more coordinated rationalization of regional demand.

 

    • There is need to re-imagine trade and production cooperation, where instead of competition, the prevailing principles would be cooperation, complementation and solidarity.

    • Such arrangement must address the issue of excess, and should have as outer limit some climate and ecological threshold.

 

  • Two, there is need to overhaul the financial architecture for Asia

 

    • Away from dependence on Northern currencies, esp. the American $

    • And towards the pooling of alternative sources of development finance

    • As well as appropriate surveillance and monitoring systems (without the IMF) that assist countries and build confidence that every one takes responsibility for regional financial stability

 

  • Three, there is need to strengthen regional stockpiling for food security

 

    • South Asia has better experience on this although technically Southeast Asia pledges bigger reserves

    • Away from trade logic and towards regional self-help and development of crisis response capabilities.

 

  • Four, there is need to re-imagine the public

 

    • It is time to talk about the public not only in the narrow confines of the State or the government, but also support different forms of provisioning that allowed communities to survive at a time that the State was neglecting them.

    • It must be recognized that such strength can be scaled up at the national and the regional level.

 

  • Five, whatever alternative we think of, resonance with the people is important.

 

    • We need to start where there is clear demand, and patent need, to make regional arrangements acceptable to the people

      • Migration

      • Rights and democracy

      • Decent living standards and environment

      • Ability to generate economic activity and distribute its fruits equitably

    • There is need to also work on something that works and shows results in the immediate even as the strategic alternative structures are still being constructed.

Jenina Joy Chavez / Focus on the Global South

 

(Presentation at the Conference on “Regional Integration: an Opportunity Presented by the Crisis”, sale Asuncion, sovaldi sale Paraguay, case July 21-22, 2009.)

 

What I will tackle this evening is an updated version of the notes I used for the Regional Integration: Opportunities to Face the Crisis conference in Asuncion, Paraguay, and the Philippine WS on ASEAN, earlier this year. There is no claim that regional responses are the only viable responses to the global crisis, but hopefully we would be able to determine if it is appropriate to study and consider them as part of the many options on alternates we can try.

 

Before the crisis, it has been projected that in about a decade, the South –that is, the developing countries – would account for more than half of the world income and more than 50% of global trade. It has been trumpeted all over that Asia together with other emerging economies would be the major growth drivers in the world economy, highlighting the relevance of South-South cooperation, particularly regional economic integration in Asia.

 

For Asia, at least, this claim has been put to the test with the onset of the global financial crisis that put into the spotlight the basic development paradigm deployed by what is considered the world over as prosperous Asia.

 

 

In terms of what has happened in the last year and a half, following are some observations on how Asia tried to respond to the crisis:

 

  • First, unlike what characterized how the North (particularly Western Europe and North America) responded to the crisis, Asia’s response does not include massive bailout packages to failing corporations, particularly ailing financial entities.

 

    • This highlights the differential manifestations of the crisis. While financialization is a global phenomenon, sparing no one and certainly not Asia, Asia still hosts one of the most robust productive capacity worldwide – that is, the real economy remains the most significant feature of Asia’s growth and development.

 

  • Second, in most countries, though, the immediate response was to address the liquidity crunch and the crisis of confidence, especially in the banking system. This included moves to increase deposit insurance coverage, and guarantees on deposit-taking institutions. As a result, massive bank runs have been avoided.

 

  • Third, from the initial liquidity crunch, economic slowdown became the norm. Hence, governments moved to address this by increasing liquidity and easing credit and monetary policy, including intervening in foreign exchange markets. Many state enterprises also increased their shareholdings in publicly-traded companies. The result – relative low interest rates.

 

  • Fourth, stimulus packages have at their center fiscal policy and public spending, although social sector spending has not received much attention.

 

    • Asian countries have devoted between less than ½ percent of GDP to their fiscal stimulus package to more than 9%.

    • Among the biggest packages are those of the following:

      • Singapore, $15B (6%)

      • Malaysia, $2B initially to $16B (9% of GDP)

      • China, $600B spread only over 2 years

    • Most of the stimulus packages have a central tax break or tax credit component, as well as capital spending, including re-capitalization of state-run banks, most notably in India.

 

  • Fifth, the Asian response has been centered around resiliency. That is, they are focused on minimizing unemployment and on creating employment opportunities

 

    • With programs like job credits or payouts to employers of up to 12% of salaries (Singapore)

    • Various skills upgrading and retraining programs

    • Welfare support to retrenched workers and returning overseas workers.

    • Such resiliency packages, though, highlighted some tensions inherent in the increasingly connected Asian economies and job markets.

      • For instance, part of Malaysia’s and Singapore’s response is to cut down or crackdown on migrant workers, a classic response to appease worker’s restiveness at home, and a blatant disregard to the ripple such moves might effect.

 

  • Sixth, at least the ASEAN+3 is trying to improve on a regional financial cooperation first introduced in 2000 as a response to the 97/98 Asian financial crisis.

    • The Chiang Mai Initiative is a collaboration to create a network of bilateral swap arrangements to manage short-term liquidity problems.

    • From $20B in 2000, it increased to $80B in 2008, and earlier this year was increased further to $120B.

    • Moreover, the swaps are being multilateralized, a step towards developing from a bilateral into a regional pool.

    • This is about the only such regional initiative in Asia. There is no equivalent for South Asia, or in West and Central Asia.

 

 

From these observations, several key questions emerge:

 

  • 1st: would Asia be able to export its way out of the crisis? Is it even proper to aim only for this?

 

  • 2nd:: would the regional integration vaunted to be necessary to solidify and further the growth in Asia be resorted to, or given life in practice, in the wake of this crisis?

 

  • 3rd: in the design of crisis response, what is Asia aiming for?

    • Is it just to recover previous levels of consumption and economic activity?

    • How much of the response is for immediate relief, extremely necessary at this time?

    • And how much of this response is for the long-term and tries to take advantage of converting the crisis into opportunity?

 

 

At this point, I would like to emphasize three points that interrogate what Asia has managed or not managed to do:

 

  • One, note that the responses now differ qualitatively from the responses Asia had a decade ago.

 

    • There is no IMF, not least because the IMF has gained notoriety and lost a lot of credibility because of how it bungled its job in the late 1990s.

    • Not only is there no IMF, the policy and programmatic responses of Asia have been antithesis to what the IMF formerly prescribed.

      • There was no interest cure that killed business; instead efforts were concentrated on preserving relative low interest rates (including intervention in the forex market).

      • There were many elements of direct transfers, subsidies, and re-capitalization; something the IMF would never do (at least before).

    • In short, the responses are not patently neoliberal.

 

  • Two, these responses have not warranted enough incentive towards a focus on internal demand, on the one hand, and on coordinated expanded demand regionally, on the other.

 

    • More pointedly, it is a concern that Asia should even set as its main objective the recovery and maintenance of consumption levels prior to the crisis.

    • We should not be overly concerned about trying to save what has been clearly a cause of failure. It is high time for Asia to draw from regional resources and invent something that will again set it apart – or, place it in cooperation with other regions trying to imagine things differently.

 

  • Three, there is concern that ASEAN+3 finds it difficult to make good on regional financial cooperation as designed through the Chiang Mai Initiative and related processes.

 

    • Take for instance, when South Korea got hit when the Lehman Brothers collapsed, it negotiated a $30B foreign exchange swap with the US Federal Reserve and not the ASEAN+3. (They came later.)

    • Despite increases in commitments, the CMI is still not functional, and the IMF still plays a role when countries tap the CMI for more than 20% of their requirement, detracting from the importance of financial as well policy autonomy for Asia.

 

 

There are certainly elements of response – some quite innovative or at least properly targeted – in Asia. The question is whether Asia is able to turn the crisis on its head, and be able to emerge with another unique contribution to development discourse as it has been known to have done in the past.

 

Moreover, we as civil society and social movements, in our interrogation of possible alternatives, esp. if we have little or no hold on power – the question of how to get that power either by holding political power ourselves or rallying massive constituencies on our side – is key.

 

The final set of points I wish to make has to do with the areas where regional response would be crucial:

 

  • One, the need to focus on internal demand and a more coordinated rationalization of regional demand.

 

    • There is need to re-imagine trade and production cooperation, where instead of competition, the prevailing principles would be cooperation, complementation and solidarity.

    • Such arrangement must address the issue of excess, and should have as outer limit some climate and ecological threshold.

 

  • Two, there is need to overhaul the financial architecture for Asia

 

    • Away from dependence on Northern currencies, esp. the American $

    • And towards the pooling of alternative sources of development finance

    • As well as appropriate surveillance and monitoring systems (without the IMF) that assist countries and build confidence that every one takes responsibility for regional financial stability

 

  • Three, there is need to strengthen regional stockpiling for food security

 

    • South Asia has better experience on this although technically Southeast Asia pledges bigger reserves

    • Away from trade logic and towards regional self-help and development of crisis response capabilities.

 

  • Four, there is need to re-imagine the public

 

    • It is time to talk about the public not only in the narrow confines of the State or the government, but also support different forms of provisioning that allowed communities to survive at a time that the State was neglecting them.

    • It must be recognized that such strength can be scaled up at the national and the regional level.

 

  • Five, whatever alternative we think of, resonance with the people is important.

 

    • We need to start where there is clear demand, and patent need, to make regional arrangements acceptable to the people

      • Migration

      • Rights and democracy

      • Decent living standards and environment

      • Ability to generate economic activity and distribute its fruits equitably

    • There is need to also work on something that works and shows results in the immediate even as the strategic alternative structures are still being constructed.

<!– @page { margin: 0.79in } P { margin-bottom: 0.08in } A:link { color: #0000ff } –>

Jenina Joy Chavez / Focus on the Global South

 

(Presentation at the Conference on “Regional Integration: an Opportunity Presented by the Crisis”, sale Asuncion, pills Paraguay, July 21-22, 2009.)

 

What I will tackle this evening is an updated version of the notes I used for the Regional Integration: Opportunities to Face the Crisis conference in Asuncion, Paraguay, and the Philippine WS on ASEAN, earlier this year. There is no claim that regional responses are the only viable responses to the global crisis, but hopefully we would be able to determine if it is appropriate to study and consider them as part of the many options on alternates we can try.

 

Before the crisis, it has been projected that in about a decade, the South –that is, the developing countries – would account for more than half of the world income and more than 50% of global trade. It has been trumpeted all over that Asia together with other emerging economies would be the major growth drivers in the world economy, highlighting the relevance of South-South cooperation, particularly regional economic integration in Asia.

 

For Asia, at least, this claim has been put to the test with the onset of the global financial crisis that put into the spotlight the basic development paradigm deployed by what is considered the world over as prosperous Asia.

 

 

In terms of what has happened in the last year and a half, following are some observations on how Asia tried to respond to the crisis:

 

  • First, unlike what characterized how the North (particularly Western Europe and North America) responded to the crisis, Asia’s response does not include massive bailout packages to failing corporations, particularly ailing financial entities.

 

    • This highlights the differential manifestations of the crisis. While financialization is a global phenomenon, sparing no one and certainly not Asia, Asia still hosts one of the most robust productive capacity worldwide – that is, the real economy remains the most significant feature of Asia’s growth and development.

 

  • Second, in most countries, though, the immediate response was to address the liquidity crunch and the crisis of confidence, especially in the banking system. This included moves to increase deposit insurance coverage, and guarantees on deposit-taking institutions. As a result, massive bank runs have been avoided.

 

  • Third, from the initial liquidity crunch, economic slowdown became the norm. Hence, governments moved to address this by increasing liquidity and easing credit and monetary policy, including intervening in foreign exchange markets. Many state enterprises also increased their shareholdings in publicly-traded companies. The result – relative low interest rates.

 

  • Fourth, stimulus packages have at their center fiscal policy and public spending, although social sector spending has not received much attention.

 

    • Asian countries have devoted between less than ½ percent of GDP to their fiscal stimulus package to more than 9%.

    • Among the biggest packages are those of the following:

      • Singapore, $15B (6%)

      • Malaysia, $2B initially to $16B (9% of GDP)

      • China, $600B spread only over 2 years

    • Most of the stimulus packages have a central tax break or tax credit component, as well as capital spending, including re-capitalization of state-run banks, most notably in India.

 

  • Fifth, the Asian response has been centered around resiliency. That is, they are focused on minimizing unemployment and on creating employment opportunities

 

    • With programs like job credits or payouts to employers of up to 12% of salaries (Singapore)

    • Various skills upgrading and retraining programs

    • Welfare support to retrenched workers and returning overseas workers.

    • Such resiliency packages, though, highlighted some tensions inherent in the increasingly connected Asian economies and job markets.

      • For instance, part of Malaysia’s and Singapore’s response is to cut down or crackdown on migrant workers, a classic response to appease worker’s restiveness at home, and a blatant disregard to the ripple such moves might effect.

 

  • Sixth, at least the ASEAN+3 is trying to improve on a regional financial cooperation first introduced in 2000 as a response to the 97/98 Asian financial crisis.

    • The Chiang Mai Initiative is a collaboration to create a network of bilateral swap arrangements to manage short-term liquidity problems.

    • From $20B in 2000, it increased to $80B in 2008, and earlier this year was increased further to $120B.

    • Moreover, the swaps are being multilateralized, a step towards developing from a bilateral into a regional pool.

    • This is about the only such regional initiative in Asia. There is no equivalent for South Asia, or in West and Central Asia.

 

 

From these observations, several key questions emerge:

 

  • 1st: would Asia be able to export its way out of the crisis? Is it even proper to aim only for this?

 

  • 2nd:: would the regional integration vaunted to be necessary to solidify and further the growth in Asia be resorted to, or given life in practice, in the wake of this crisis?

 

  • 3rd: in the design of crisis response, what is Asia aiming for?

    • Is it just to recover previous levels of consumption and economic activity?

    • How much of the response is for immediate relief, extremely necessary at this time?

    • And how much of this response is for the long-term and tries to take advantage of converting the crisis into opportunity?

 

 

At this point, I would like to emphasize three points that interrogate what Asia has managed or not managed to do:

 

  • One, note that the responses now differ qualitatively from the responses Asia had a decade ago.

 

    • There is no IMF, not least because the IMF has gained notoriety and lost a lot of credibility because of how it bungled its job in the late 1990s.

    • Not only is there no IMF, the policy and programmatic responses of Asia have been antithesis to what the IMF formerly prescribed.

      • There was no interest cure that killed business; instead efforts were concentrated on preserving relative low interest rates (including intervention in the forex market).

      • There were many elements of direct transfers, subsidies, and re-capitalization; something the IMF would never do (at least before).

    • In short, the responses are not patently neoliberal.

 

  • Two, these responses have not warranted enough incentive towards a focus on internal demand, on the one hand, and on coordinated expanded demand regionally, on the other.

 

    • More pointedly, it is a concern that Asia should even set as its main objective the recovery and maintenance of consumption levels prior to the crisis.

    • We should not be overly concerned about trying to save what has been clearly a cause of failure. It is high time for Asia to draw from regional resources and invent something that will again set it apart – or, place it in cooperation with other regions trying to imagine things differently.

 

  • Three, there is concern that ASEAN+3 finds it difficult to make good on regional financial cooperation as designed through the Chiang Mai Initiative and related processes.

 

    • Take for instance, when South Korea got hit when the Lehman Brothers collapsed, it negotiated a $30B foreign exchange swap with the US Federal Reserve and not the ASEAN+3. (They came later.)

    • Despite increases in commitments, the CMI is still not functional, and the IMF still plays a role when countries tap the CMI for more than 20% of their requirement, detracting from the importance of financial as well policy autonomy for Asia.

 

 

There are certainly elements of response – some quite innovative or at least properly targeted – in Asia. The question is whether Asia is able to turn the crisis on its head, and be able to emerge with another unique contribution to development discourse as it has been known to have done in the past.

 

Moreover, we as civil society and social movements, in our interrogation of possible alternatives, esp. if we have little or no hold on power – the question of how to get that power either by holding political power ourselves or rallying massive constituencies on our side – is key.

 

The final set of points I wish to make has to do with the areas where regional response would be crucial:

 

  • One, the need to focus on internal demand and a more coordinated rationalization of regional demand.

 

    • There is need to re-imagine trade and production cooperation, where instead of competition, the prevailing principles would be cooperation, complementation and solidarity.

    • Such arrangement must address the issue of excess, and should have as outer limit some climate and ecological threshold.

 

  • Two, there is need to overhaul the financial architecture for Asia

 

    • Away from dependence on Northern currencies, esp. the American $

    • And towards the pooling of alternative sources of development finance

    • As well as appropriate surveillance and monitoring systems (without the IMF) that assist countries and build confidence that every one takes responsibility for regional financial stability

 

  • Three, there is need to strengthen regional stockpiling for food security

 

    • South Asia has better experience on this although technically Southeast Asia pledges bigger reserves

    • Away from trade logic and towards regional self-help and development of crisis response capabilities.

 

  • Four, there is need to re-imagine the public

 

    • It is time to talk about the public not only in the narrow confines of the State or the government, but also support different forms of provisioning that allowed communities to survive at a time that the State was neglecting them.

    • It must be recognized that such strength can be scaled up at the national and the regional level.

 

  • Five, whatever alternative we think of, resonance with the people is important.

 

    • We need to start where there is clear demand, and patent need, to make regional arrangements acceptable to the people

      • Migration

      • Rights and democracy

      • Decent living standards and environment

      • Ability to generate economic activity and distribute its fruits equitably

    • There is need to also work on something that works and shows results in the immediate even as the strategic alternative structures are still being constructed.

See Programme and download some of the presentations of the

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAMME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

– Elizabeth Gauthier, Espace Marx, France (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION ENGLISH – POWER POINT / TEXT)

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines (PRESENTATION)
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION SPANISH)

Moderation

Martin Prieto, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA)


SEE the COMMUNIQUE: Regional Integration and Itaipu energy agreement (Paraguay, 22 July 2009)

See Programme and download some of the presentations of the

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, seek Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAMME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

– Elizabeth Gauthier, Espace Marx, France (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION ENGLISH – POWER POINT / TEXT)

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION SPANISH)

Moderation

Martin Prieto, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA)


SEE the COMMUNIQUE: Regional Integration and Itaipu energy agreement (Paraguay, 22 July 2009)

See Programme and download some of the presentations of the

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, salve Sala 1, clinic Consejo Nacional del Deporte, purchase Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAMME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

– Elizabeth Gauthier, Espace Marx, France (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION ENGLISH – POWER POINT / TEXT)

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines (PRESENTATION)
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION SPANISH)

Moderation

Martin Prieto, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA)


SEE the COMMUNIQUE: Regional Integration and Itaipu energy agreement (Paraguay, 22 July 2009)

See Programme and download some of the presentations of the

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, troche ask Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAMME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

– Elizabeth Gauthier, Espace Marx, France (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION ENGLISH – POWER POINT / TEXT)

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines (PRESENTATION)
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION SPANISH)

Moderation

Martin Prieto, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA)


SEE the COMMUNIQUE: Regional Integration and Itaipu energy agreement (Paraguay, 22 July 2009)

20 October 2009, 18-21hs, Cha-am, Thailand

This Public Forum was held during the 2nd ASEAN Peoples’ Forum / 5th ASEAN Civil Society Conference 18-20 October 2009 Cha-am, Phetchaburi Province, Thailand

Introduction

Finding solutions to the crises (economic, energy, food, climate and security) is urgent, and today it is at the core of the agenda of both social movements and governments. For countries in the different regions, regional integration appears as a way to overcome the global economic crisis through the development of solidarity and dynamic intra-regional economic ties.

In this context, re-thinking regional integration as a solution to the crisis can give a powerful impulse to building an alternative development project in each region (Latin America, Asia, Africa and Europe) that is more sustainable and equitable than the current development model which countries follow today.

However, the current regional spaces are contested arenas. It is crucial, therefore, that social movements search and seek for common strategies.

The Open Forum will advance the debate and cross-fertilisation of experiences among social movements and civil society organisations from Latin America, Asia and Europe about the possibilities to respond to these crises through regional alternatives and a model of regional integration that promotes a change in the development model of the regions. It will aim to highlight the challenges and possibilities of moving forward in the concretisation of regional alternatives to the economic, financial, food, climate and energy crises that place the interest of people and the planet at its center.

PROGRAMME

Regional responses to the crisis: experiences & challenges from South East Asia (ASEAN)
Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South/SAPA/ACSC, Philippines

 

Regional responses to the crisis: experiences & challenges from Latin America
Diana Aguiar, IGTN/REBRIP/Hemispheric Social Alliance, Brazil

 

Regional responses to the crisis: experiences & challenges from South Asia (SAARC)

Mohammed Mahuruf, People’s SAARC, Sri Lanka

 

European regional responses to the crisis and People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms
Cecilia Olivet, Transnational Institute, Netherlands

Open Forum Discussion: The potential of regional alternatives and the need for cross-regional networking – focus and priorities

Moderator: Aya Fabros, Focus on the Global South, Philippines

 

Co-Convenors:

Focus on the Global South, Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), People’s SAARC, Transnational Institute (TNI) and People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR)

 

Photos Conference “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

Watch the photos from the INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises” (21 and 22 July 2009, Paraguay). Organised by Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

Conferencia Internacional de gobiernos y movimientos sociales “Integración regional: una oportunidad frente a las crisis”
21 y 22 de Julio de 2009 (9am-20pm), PRODEPA, Sala 1, Asunción del Paraguay



Vea aqui en vivo por internet los debates (el 21 de julio a las 9am hora Paraguay comenzara la transmision en vivo)
Para ver el horario en otros paises ir a www.timeanddate.com/worldclock

Broadcasting Live with Ustream.TV



Co-organizan
Alianza Social Continental, Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, Agenda de los Pueblos para Regionalismos Alternativos, Focus on the Global South y Transnational Institute

En cooperación con
Confederación Sindical de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras de las Américas (CSA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubileo Sur, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC Francia, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Ecologistas en Acción

Con el apoyo de
Presidencia Paraguaya Pro-tempore del Mercosur

PROGRAMA
21 de JULIO

09:00–09:30
Bienvenida a cargo de los organizadores:
– Enrique Daza, Secretario Ejecutivo, Alianza Social Continental, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Agenda de los Pueblos para Regionalismos Alternativos (PAAR), Holanda
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Canciller, República del Paraguay

09:30–11:30
Crisis sistémica, impactos de la crisis en los procesos de integración regional
– Victor Baez, Confederación Sindical de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras de las Américas (CSA), Brasil
– Juan González, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Parlamentario, Filipinas
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Gana
Moderación Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Holanda

11:30 – 13:30
Respuestas regionales a la crisis
– Representante del ALBA
– Juan Castillo, Secretario de Relaciones Internacional de PIT-CNT, Uruguay
– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives/Africa Jubilee South, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on The Global South, Filipinas
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France, Francia
Moderación: José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

15:00 – 17:30
Integración Regional: Repensando el modelo de desarrollo. Complementariedad versus competencia. Integración y Asimetrías
– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice Canciller, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Gobierno Argentina
-Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Graciela Rodríguez, REBRIP, Brasil
– Dot Keet, Trade Strategy Group, Sudáfrica
– Charles Santiago, Parlamentario, Malasia
Moderación
Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brasil

18:00 – 20:00
Modelo de desarrollo e Infraestructura
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brasil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, Sudáfrica
Moderación
Ximena Centellas,Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

22 de JULIO

09:00 – 10:45
Crisis energética y cambio climático: Desafíos para su superación. Integración y energía: Experiencias regionales
– Gobierno de Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Paralamentario, Filipinas
– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Acción, España
Moderación
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los
Pueblos, Paraguay

11:00-13:00
Modelo Productivo para garantizar la Soberanía alimentaria regional
– Juan José Domínguez, Parlamentario, MPP – FA Uruguay
– Rabindra Adhikari, Parlamentario, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Vía Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodríguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderación
Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

14:00 – 16:00
Finanzas y modelo de desarrollo: Nuevas estructuras financieras: (Banco del Sur, monedas regionales, etc)
– Pedro Páez, Presidente Comisión Técnica Presidencial Ecuatoriana para la Nueva Arquitectura Financiera Regional y el Banco del Sur, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubileo Sur, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Republica Checa
Moderación
Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, Francia

16:00-17:00
Paz Regional, Democracia y Derechos Humanos
– Camille Chalmers, Campaña por la Demililtarización de las Américas, Haití
– Lee, Seung-Heon, Departamento de Relaciones Exteriores del Partido Democrático de Trabajadores de Corea, Corea del Sur
– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva kutumkakam, Finlandia
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderación
Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay, Iniciativa Paraguaya

17:30 – 20:00
Mesa Redonda: Integración Regional: Desafíos para los movimientos sociales y los gobiernos
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Nalu Faria, Marcha Mundial de las Mujeres, Brasil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Holanda
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Gana
– Chacho Alvarez, Presidente de la Comisión de Representantes Permanentes del MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Gobierno Paraguay
Moderación
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, cure Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, and
Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid



PROGRAME 21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

Victor Baez, Trade Union Confederation of the Americas, Brazil
Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba
Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
Frederic Viale, ATTAC France
13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil
Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia
17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure Moderation Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia
Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

22 JULY 09:00 – 10:45 / Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Government Venezuela Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, discount Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)


In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción


Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur


With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid



PROGRAME 21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

Victor Baez, Trade Union Confederation of the Americas, Brazil
Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 / Regional responses to the crises
Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
Frederic Viale, ATTAC France
Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30 – 15:00 / Lunch

15:00 – 17:30 / Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries
Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30 – 18:00 / Coffee break

18:00 – 20:00 / Development Model and Infrastructure
Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa
Moderation Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

22 JULY 09:00 – 10:45 / Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Government Venezuela Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, troche Sala 1, ask Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid



PROGRAME 21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

Victor Baez, Trade Union Confederation of the Americas, Brazil
Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba
Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
Frederic Viale, ATTAC France
13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil
Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia
17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

22 JULY 09:00 – 10:45 / Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Government Venezuela Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, search Sala 1, advice Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

Victor Baez, Trade Union Confederation of the Americas, Brazil
Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba
Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
Frederic Viale, ATTAC France
13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil
Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia
17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

22 JULY 09:00 – 10:45 / Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Government Venezuela Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, ed Sala 1, health Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

22 JULY 09:00 – 10:45 / Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Government Venezuela Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, patient Sala 1, seek Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

Victor Baez, Trade Union Confederation of the Americas, Brazil
Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba
Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
Frederic Viale, ATTAC France
13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil
Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia
17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

22 JULY 09:00 – 10:45 / Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Government Venezuela Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, here Consejo Nacional del Deporte, medical Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY



09:00 – 10:45 / Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Government Venezuela Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, ambulance Sala 1, pharmacy Consejo Nacional del Deporte, prostate Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY




09:00 – 10:45 / Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Government Venezuela Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, search Sala 1, sale Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain y


/

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, cheap patient Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break


11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch




14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, no rx Sala 1, discount Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights






Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

NTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, healing order Sala 1, thumb Consejo Nacional del Deporte, discount Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia






17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

NTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, rx Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay






17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, doctor Sala 1, and Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY



09:00 – 10:45 / Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Government Venezuela Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 / Coffe Break

11:00-13:00 / Production model and Food Sovereignty
Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderation Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00 – 14:00 / Lunch

14:00 – 16:00 / Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 / Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderation Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay/ Iniciativa Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 / Coffee break

17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

ERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, treat Sala 1, shop Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 Coffee break
17:30 – 20:00


Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



NTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 Coffee break







17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

NTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 Coffee break
17:30 – 20:00


Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa






Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

TERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, discount Sala 1, sale Consejo Nacional del Deporte, tadalafil Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 Coffee break
17:30 – 20:00


Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México







NTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 Coffee break







17:30 – 20:00 / Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments
– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México

ERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, ask recipe buy Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30 – 13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30 – 15:00 Lunch
15:00 – 17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30 – 18:00 Coffee break
18:00 – 20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00 – 10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00 – 14:00 Lunch
14:00 – 16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00 – 17:30 Coffee break
17:30 – 20:00


Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



ERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, recipe Sala 1, troche Consejo Nacional del Deporte, < Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00


Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



ERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



ERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, physician Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions
Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights
Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00


Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



ERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, shop Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



ERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, rx Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, sovaldi sale Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, stuff Sala 1, diagnosis Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba
13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil
17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, pilule Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, thumb Sala 1, pharm Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, pills Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Netherlands

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises Moderation José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries Moderation Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brazil

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure

Moderation

Ximana Centellas, Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic
16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, find Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments


– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, cure Sala 1, purchase Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm

Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, illness Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments


– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


Watch the photos from the INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises” (21 and 22 July 2009, diagnosis Paraguay). Organised by Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), sovaldi Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

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Programme Conference “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

Conferencia Internacional de gobiernos y movimientos sociales “Integración regional: una oportunidad frente a las crisis”
21 y 22 de Julio de 2009 (9am-20pm), prostate PRODEPA, Sala 1, Asunción del Paraguay



Vea aqui en vivo por internet los debates (el 21 de julio a las 9am hora Paraguay comenzara la transmision en vivo)
Para ver el horario en otros paises ir a www.timeanddate.com/worldclock



Broadcasting Live with Ustream.TV

Co-organizan
Alianza Social Continental, Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, Agenda de los Pueblos para Regionalismos Alternativos, Focus on the Global South y Transnational Institute

En cooperación con
Confederación Sindical de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras de las Américas (CSA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubileo Sur, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC Francia, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Ecologistas en Acción

Con el apoyo de
Presidencia Paraguaya Pro-tempore del Mercosur

PROGRAMA
21 de JULIO

09:00–09:30
Bienvenida a cargo de los organizadores:
– Enrique Daza, Secretario Ejecutivo, Alianza Social Continental, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Agenda de los Pueblos para Regionalismos Alternativos (PAAR), Holanda
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Canciller, República del Paraguay

09:30–11:30
Crisis sistémica, impactos de la crisis en los procesos de integración regional
– Victor Baez, Confederación Sindical de Trabajadores y Trabajadoras de las Américas (CSA), Brasil
– Juan González, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Parlamentario, Filipinas
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Gana
Moderación Cecilia Olivet, TNI, Holanda

11:30 – 13:30
Respuestas regionales a la crisis
– Representante del ALBA
– Juan Castillo, Secretario de Relaciones Internacional de PIT-CNT, Uruguay
– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives/Africa Jubilee South, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on The Global South, Filipinas
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France, Francia
Moderación: José Miguel Hernández, CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

15:00 – 17:30
Integración Regional: Repensando el modelo de desarrollo. Complementariedad versus competencia. Integración y Asimetrías
– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice Canciller, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Gobierno Argentina
-Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Graciela Rodríguez, REBRIP, Brasil
– Dot Keet, Trade Strategy Group, Sudáfrica
– Charles Santiago, Parlamentario, Malasia
Moderación
Gonzalo Berrón, ASC/CSA, Brasil

18:00 – 20:00
Modelo de desarrollo e Infraestructura
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brasil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, Sudáfrica
Moderación
Ximena Centellas,Directora General de Gestión Pública, Viceministerio de Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia

22 de JULIO

09:00 – 10:45
Crisis energética y cambio climático: Desafíos para su superación. Integración y energía: Experiencias regionales
– Gobierno de Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Paralamentario, Filipinas
– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Acción, España
Moderación
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los
Pueblos, Paraguay

11:00-13:00
Modelo Productivo para garantizar la Soberanía alimentaria regional
– Juan José Domínguez, Parlamentario, MPP – FA Uruguay
– Rabindra Adhikari, Parlamentario, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Vía Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodríguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile
Moderación
Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

14:00 – 16:00
Finanzas y modelo de desarrollo: Nuevas estructuras financieras: (Banco del Sur, monedas regionales, etc)
– Pedro Páez, Presidente Comisión Técnica Presidencial Ecuatoriana para la Nueva Arquitectura Financiera Regional y el Banco del Sur, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubileo Sur, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Republica Checa
Moderación
Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, Francia

16:00-17:00
Paz Regional, Democracia y Derechos Humanos
– Camille Chalmers, Campaña por la Demililtarización de las Américas, Haití
– Lee, Seung-Heon, Departamento de Relaciones Exteriores del Partido Democrático de Trabajadores de Corea, Corea del Sur
– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva kutumkakam, Finlandia
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia
Moderación
Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ Paraguay, Iniciativa Paraguaya

17:30 – 20:00
Mesa Redonda: Integración Regional: Desafíos para los movimientos sociales y los gobiernos
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Nalu Faria, Marcha Mundial de las Mujeres, Brasil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Holanda
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Gana
– Chacho Alvarez, Presidente de la Comisión de Representantes Permanentes del MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Gobierno Paraguay
Moderación
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


See Programme and download some of the presentations of the

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAMME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

– Elizabeth Gauthier, Espace Marx, France (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION ENGLISH – POWER POINT / TEXT)

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines (PRESENTATION)
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – SPANISH)
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION SPANISH)

Moderation

Martin Prieto, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION – ENGLISH)

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments

– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA)


SEE the COMMUNIQUE: Regional Integration and Itaipu energy agreement (Paraguay, 22 July 2009)

COMMUNIQUE: Regional Integration and Itaipu energy agreement (Paraguay, 22 July 2009)

By Thomas Wallgren

* Presentation given at International Conference of governments and social movements “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises” (21 and 22 July 2009, ask Asunción del Paraguay)


Because of systemic constraints in the so called leading nations we cannot wait for the Obamas and even Lulas of the world to show the way for the deep changes we need. Political, cultural and moral initiative that will inspire hope on all continents can and needs to come from many places.

In the golden age of the Nordic model, the small North European area that I come from, had disproportionate global significance in pro-people politics. Many of us in these countries still work to preserve and take further the Nordic tradition. We must, however, humbly admit that the Nordic identity has weakened in the last 15 years as we have been been overwhelmed by globalisation and EU-integration.

In this spirit I want to join the large number of people on all continents who enthusiastically welcome the recent wave of positive developments in Latin America, including also many smaller countries, such as Bolivia, Ecuador and Paraguay. I recognise the enormous difficulties you are facing, including the current crisis in Honduras. Nevertheless I want to welcome the quality and direction of development in many South and Latin American countries in the last few years and the efforts and the decisive contribution of ordinary people from the struggling classes to them.

A. GLOBAL AND HISTORICAL PREMISES OF REGIONAL COOPERATION

Regional integration in the context of collapsing neo-liberalism, authoritarian capitalism and the search for cultural alternatives

1. “Neoliberalism died in 2008-2009. ” Is this statement true or false?
It is true in a limited sense. The state is back in the economy. Simultaneously deregulation, privatisation and trade liberalisation are all on a hold or they are rolled back. George W. Bush goes down in the books as the greatest socialiser of banks and enterprises in world history. Market fundamentalism will not come back easily as an economic orthodoxy. So far so good.


Nevertheless, as we have seen during the past months the demise of neo-liberalism does not mean the end of capitalism nor does it automatically change the balance of power or fundamental policies. Banks are bailed out and the costs of enterprise failures are carried by tax-payers. In the EU the centralising and liberalising Lissabon treaty is back on track. In India the elections were won by a centre right still pursuing growth through exports, international competitiveness, intensified exploitation of domestic natural resources and deepened integration into global markets. Obama brings the US back on a more Keynesian track and into multilateral cooperation, but his victory was more due to the catastrophic results of Bush’s politics than of a desire for fundamental redirection of US power. Financial regulation remains weak, tax havens still work as usual and even the Tobin tax awaits its implementation. In the global arenas, at WTO, the World Bank or even in the climate negotiations positive news are yet to come. All in all, it is clear by now that radical shifts in power structures, economic distribution or national or international policies are not easily within reach.


The main lesson of the past winter is that neo-liberalism was always only a radical fashion, a tip of the iceberg. When it goes away we can see again clearly that the modern state in most countries remains committed to a development model in which a mix of capitalist, growth dependent exploitative economy and consumerist, individualistic, civilisational values remains central. The global trend in the last years and months is not that neo-liberal capitalism is replaced by socialism, a new green politics or even social liberalism but, unfortunately, by authoritarian capitalism. In fact, what we witness on all continents is a colossal lack of political and cultural creativity in the state and corporate sector. Hence, and this is my first point today, people seeking social and ecological justice need to recognise that the shift to politics for sustainable futures that the world so badly needs will not come about just because neo-liberalism goes away.

The good news is that with neo-liberalism gone, with George Bush down and out and with the states and business sector at a loss both intellectually and morally we can begin to understand our responsibility and define our tasks and challenges more clearly than has been possible during the past ten years.


Everywhere people recognise that the ruling elites are failing and at a loss. We need a new internationalism that is not founded on state to state cooperation or market integration. The regional cooperation we are looking for must protect and build upon people-to-people solidarity and conviviality. It must draw its strength from the confidence and creativity of ordinary people who are engaged in a multitude of local struggles and in a plurality of efforts towards decolonisation and civilisational renewal.

2. Too often only the global and national level are recognized as relevant political arenas. They are important, but should not make us overlook the relevance of the local and regional levels. From the perspective of radical and comprehensive democracy building from below and strengthening the disempowered is essential in all responses to the crisis. Democratising the politics and economy of globalisation is important but difficult. In global efforts large corporations and states still have a relative advantage over other actors. Hence, as long as power structure are not altered, we should not expect too much good to come out from institutions working on global regulation of e.g. finance and climate.


The experience of the past years has shown clearly the inadequacy of the current structure, instruments and policies of global financial regulation and economic development. The Bretton Woods institutions and the WTO-framwork have been insufficient or even dysfunctional for development, ecological responsibility and economic stability, especially for the global South. This much should now be uncontroversial. It remains open, however, what the implications are for the politics of global governance and the role of regional and national politics.

My second point today is that regional politics needs to be recognised more than before as a relevant arena of political initiative in its own right. The regional arena is too often considered to be only complementary to nation states and global institutional arrangements and global governance. Regional cooperation in the South can provide protection from dysfunctional and failing global institutions. It can also strengthen the bargaining power of the South, especially the smaller countries of the South, in global politics. Thirdly regional political instruments may play a huge role in achieving at the regional level governance services and functions that are not available at the global level. These can include for instance protection and support of micro and small enterprise as well as of local knowledge systems and forms or democracy, the launch of local and regional currencies with high social and ecological value, and so forth.

3. State borders are becoming more porous than before, people are meeting and mixing more than before. The future belongs, as Indian social philosoper Lohia said fifty years ago, increasingly to “the bastards.” We see every day along the Southern borders of the US and the EU that efforts to keep borders closed and nations clean lead to disaster. Regional cooperation presents major opportunities if the physical and cultural mobility of peoples in the region and between them is enhanced. The opposite politics of regional integration which allows mobility only internally and is closed to the outer world, with exceptions allowed only for selfish reasons or on market premises is a false and dangerous model.


In societies atomised socially and empoverished culturally by late capitalism and consumerism nation state are often seen as competitors. The sense of competition fosters widely felt anxiety. As we have seen in South Asia, Europe, North America and elsewhere the consequence is often un upsurge of xenophobic identity-politics, increasing militarisation and securitisation and even terror by states and non-state agencies.

Regional protection and strategic cooperation should be built with a clear commitment to global solidarity.

In building regionalism for a new internationalism it is essential that we go beyond the current logic of competetive identity politics. In this a people-to-people cooperation and diplomacy, as pursued for instance in the World Social Forum and by a multitude of innovative smaller groups and movementsduring the past years, can play an important role. The legitimacy and need for non-state political cooperation is obvious and  in regional cooperation as well tax-payers money and other public resources should not be exclusively spent on state and market driven integration.

Having said this let me stress that our efforts must complement and give life to, but not undermine the UN centred multilateral system. The G-192 that met in June 2009 for a UN General Assembly on the financial crisis and its impact on development also needs strengthening.

4. Regional cooperation in the South should not only protect the weak. It should also lead the world out of its multiple crises on the long-term. Globally the political debates seem to be moving from a discussion of separate crises to a discussion of inter-connected crises: of the finance sector, the world economy, political governance, food, water, development and climate. I welcome the synthetic framework of this conference. I only want to add that not only are the different areas of crisis interconnected and systemic. They should all be seen as symptoms of an underlying cultural crisis; a crisis of development models and the fundamental aspirations and ideals of modernization.

My fourth suggestion is that all political reforms and initiatives now of the short and medium term should be shaped so as not to hamper but rather support a civilisational shift in which the ultimate goals and ideals of development are reconsidered. It is clear that people, states and corporations in Europe and America must be pressed to responsibility and that we must pay for the mess we have caused during five hundred years through exploitation of other continents and mother earth. Nevertheless, for historical, cultural and social reasons the global North cannot be trusted too much in the search for new civilisational visions and new socially and ecologically enriching models for progress and development. The global South must take the lead. Regional cooperation in the global South and between increasingly self-reliant but co-operating Southern regional blocs can be essential for gaining economic, political and cultural autonomy from Europe and the US, serving global solidarity and environmental responsibility.

Latin America, with its strong tradition of mass participation in politics, progressive left movements, liberation theology and its great cultural variety should be a strong region in this search. In recent years the increasingly lively alliances throughout the region of indigenous and other emancipatory movements, that has given one country a president coming from the indigenous movements and another country a constitution that recognises Mother Earth is of particular interest for people on all continents who are searching for new political tools, ideas and visions. In decolonising development, art iculating new visions of good life (buen vivir) and building radical democracy the movements South America are today a great source of energy and hope for people on all continents. It is important for us all that this political and cultural resurgence is placed at the centre of regional integration here.

6. Nuclear proliferation, the totalisation of war through the war on terror and anti-hegemonic insurgency with little or no dependence on states, and the largely uncalculable threats of new military technologies combining e.g. new IT, nano-technology and genetic engineering make 21st century questions of war and peace more intractable than before. For this reason pro-people regional cooperation should systematically promote cultures and economies of sustainability and peace.

Peace-politics cannot imply thoughtless pacifism. We can still draw insight and inspiration from the Gandhian notion of and experiments with truth-force (“satyagraha”). This year 100 years have passed since Gandhi wrote his definitive statement, the pivotal pamphlet Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule on board a ship between Britain and South  Africa. The new politics of global security that we need, must, as Gandhi and others have clearly seen long back, be linked to the construction of pro-people and environmentally sound development models. These can emerge on the basis of the variety of sustainable life-styles, democracies and civilisational values existing today especially in the global South.

The industrial growth centred development model that first emerged in Europe and North America in the 18th to 20th century needs to be seriously reconsidered. The global record seems to be that industrial growth economies are not capable of overcoming poverty and deprivation everywhere. Without a commitment to peaceful cooperation and civilisational alternatives zero-sum competition for growth and unsustainable life-styles among nations and regions is likely to dominate global politics in the 21st century. Regions are then more than likely to develop into competing, protectionist blocs forming strategic alliances. Even under the condition of functional interdependence globally of the competing blocs, climate change, development failures and resource depletion combined with nuclear proliferation and the evolution of new military technologies may easily lead to completely new types of wars with planetary consequences. Hence, regional cooperation in Latin America, in other Southern regions and between them needs to be globally oriented towards cooperation and solidarity, not competition. It may be helpful in this regard to think of the global North in a new way: not as the developed regions that have made it, but as regions suffering from serious development failures. Even quite conservative new models for measuring overall success in development, such as the so called Happy Planet Index, indicate that life-conditions in the US, Sweden, Germany and other similar countries reached an all-time high in th 1970s and haved steadily deteriorated since then.

B. LESSONS FROM THE EUROPEAN MODEL

Since the early 1950s the emergence of, first the European Economic Community, EEC, and later, its sequel, the European Union, has been the dynamic centre of European  integration. The EU is now the most advanced model of regional integration globally. It has the largest internal market, the most ambitious common political instruments and the tightest juridical integration.

European integration has gained popular support and political legitimacy from two great promises. It has been seen, first, as a peace project and, secondly, increasingly in later years, as a project for benign, political governance of corporate driven globalisation. Without these impressive ideas European integration could not have been brought to its present level. Both ideas are now in a crisis.

I wish to bring out some lessons for regional integration from the fifty years of building the European Union:

(1) Peace ambitions may undermine democracy:
Since its inception in the 1950s the EU has been seen as a device to overcome the belligerent tendencies of nation-states. Drawing on analysis and inspiration coming from the 18th century German enlightenment philosopher Immanuel Kant and others, the idea has been to promote peace through functional integration of the national economies in the region.
The dark side of this idea was that EU integration has worked top-down. The people have been seen as prone to aggressive sentiment. Integration has proceeded on the initiative and under the leadership of bureaucratic elites. Economic integration has intentionally been built as a device that will promote political and other integration later, behind the backs of the reluctant citizens. For this reason the EU carries a vast democratic deficit. In recent years the democratic deficit in Europe has become obvious to all. The repeated side-stepping of the outcome of national referenda on EU-issues, such as the French and Dutch rejection of the EU constitution  and the Irish rejection of the Lisbon Treaty is rapidly leading Europe to a very serious and deep crisis in democratic legitimacy and participation.
The deficit is structural: decision-making in the EU is so undemocratic that, ironically, the EU, if it would be a nation, would not qualify for membership in the EU.  Because of the post-war technocratic logic of EU-integration the democratic crisis in Europe is also very deep-seated. It will take time to overcome it. At the moment, the effort by EU-leaders to enforce the Lisbin treaty show that so far the EU is on the wrong track in this regard.
The lesson to be learnt is that regional cooperation must, much more than has been the case in Europe, be built democratically, with explicit consent and support by the citizens.

(2) Peace ambitions regionally may be counterproductive for peace globally:

In the aftermath of the second world war the sound ambition of the architects of European integration was to prevent the outbreak of war between European nations. Less attention has, for understandable reasons, been paid to the contribution of Europe to global security. The consequence is that wars between the leading countries of Europe has become highly unlikely but that their integration between them may become, or has perhaps already become, counter-productive for global security. In the great wars of the Bush regime – on Iraq and Afghanistan – a new obscene division of labour is emerging between the trans-Atlantic forces. The USA carries the main burden of classical warfare, the EU steps in economically and logistically in the aftermath of the war, takinmg care of crisis management. This, it may be argued, is the new logic of Western, imperial military hegemony.
If other regions follow the EU model and see regional integration of foreign policy, security policy and trade policy as an instrument for selfish and hegemonic ambitions the ensuing world order may easily end up repeating the calamities of what we in Europe call the westphalian order of competing, sovereign nation states, at a new, higher level.

(3) Regional cooperation for global governance needs to be built democratically from below. Special care must be taken at every step to keep economic policies within democratic control and to avoid spill-over from economic policies on social protection, environmental protection and other vital policy areas:

Since the 1980s the main left and centre argument in favour of deepening European integration has no longer been the argument from peace. The new argument has been the argument from globalization. The main ideas are familiar to all by now. Technological changes have made possible deep changes in the economy. Deepening economic interdependence between nations and regions, the increasing importance of a globalised capital market and the increasing size and power of transnational corporations have overburdened the steering and regulating capacity of nation states. For these reasons new instruments for political regulations are called for. The European Union has been seen by many as a much needed instrument for improved global governance of the economy at first, and now increasingly also of climate change, migration etc.
For this and other reasons the primacy of economic policy instruments is a deep-seated feature of European integration. The creation of a common internal market and of common external economic policies, especially as regards trade, has been a priority in European integration.
In this tradition markets and trade have often been given politically very expansive interpretations: in the EU (as in the WTO) the free movement of trade in goods has not been enough. Free movement of capital, labour and services have been seen as equally natural parts of economic integration on liberal premises. In consequence, the more the economic instruments have developed the more they have dominated over other policy areas in which decision-making has been more confined to the national level. Social policy, workers rights, health and education, environment have all suffered from a subordination to common economic policies. The strong efforts by trade unions, left governments, environmentalists, women’s movements and others to change the balance of forces in Europe have so far met with, at best, half-success. Recent key developments, such as the text and ratification process of the Lisbon Treaty, the formation of Europe’s new global economic policy, and the struggles over the working time, services and chemical legislation at the European level, show that corporate interests and narrowly defined economic goals still tend to dominate EU-policies.


The lesson for other regions is again negative. It is extremely dangerous for democracy, ecology and social justice to make economic cooperation the heart of regional integration.

(4) Regional integration is possible but needs to be democratic:
Let me close on a more positive note with some recommendations drawn from the European experience:

* Regional integration needs to be built democratically. Economic integration should be subservient to social justice and radical democracy.
To this end, there are four  fundamental conditions:
One: the fundamental principle of democracy, that all state power and all power of regional authorities belongs to the people, must always be recognized formally. (In the EU this is still not the case!)
Two: It is imperative that the juridical hierarchy, including the effective control of constitutional rights and freedoms of people and nature, is never subordinated to economic policies or juridical agreements regulating the economy. In the European Union the primacy of economic rights and freedoms at the level of the common regional market and in trade agreements infringes more and more on the human rights achievements. This is not only a concern at the international level where bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements are known to undermine human rights. Also internally in Europe social rights achievements have some times been undermined by the economic logic of integration.
Three: the peoples must always have effective control, before the fact and after the fact, of the balance of powers between regional and national authorities. In practice, referenda about that powers to hold at the national level and what powers to confer to regional authorities are essential. But these must be complemented by stronger powers to question and interfere in the formation of this balance by national parliaments.
Four: the political logic of democratic regionalism by the people and for the people should be pluralistic and decentred. When the peoples are in effective control of the balance of powers different countries will participate in different ways in regional cooperation, taking exceptions as they see fit and forming sub-units of tighter cooperation as they see fit. This should not be seen as a problem. The example of the European Union shows that even when integration is rigidly designed to create a Union of just one kind of members the end-result will be something else. In actual fact different European countries have different between them quite different kinds of membership in the EU both politically and juridically.

* Economic policies of regions should learn from the failures of the neo-liberal experiments in the EU and elsewhere:

+ A Latin American Central Bank issuing a common currencie that may in the long run function as a (regional?) reserve currency must work under democratic political guidance and pursue socially and ecologically responsible monetary policies;
+  The political weight and influence of large corporations tends to be relatively greater on regional than on national and local levels of political decision-making. In order to curb excess corporate influence strong measures must be taken at all times. They need to include very tight transparency regulation and, as I believe, innovative, radical anti-trust regulation. I suggest that a maximum size of corporations is considered as well as sealings on individual ownership and control of corporate activity.

* Regional cooperation may have democratizing effects on the relations between big and small countries. For this, effective, almost excessive formal veto powers by smaller members states in the regional organisations are needed to counter the effective and lasting, greater political weight of larger members.

* Regional, elected parliaments can play an important role in a new regionalism. The elected parliament should not be subordinate to regional non-elected bodies, but the extent of its powers needs to be controlled from lower levels.

* The world has seen the emergence of many special economic zones lately. In a new kind of regionalism special zones for people’s power from below can be created, where people and nature are protected against corporations and states. In Bolivia there seems to be encouraging experiments along this line that could serve as a model for further work.

* The European experience shows that regional cooperation can be effective in enhancing the power and  economic and social status of oppressed minorities and underprivileged regions. The mechanisms to achieve this need careful attention.

* If we manage to correct the imbalances mentioned the European Union shows that cultural and social solidarity between peoples with a long negative record of wars is possible and can be promoted through regional cooperation.

* Lastly, as compared with Europe, Latin America (as well as e.g. South Asia) has four distinct advantages as compared with Europe in its effort to build pro-people, ecologically sustainable regional cooperation to the benefit of the global community.
+ The first is a commonality of cultural values and identity. I do not want to under underestimate the cultural diversity of the Americas. But it seems to me as an outside observer that the experience of more than 500 years of colonialism and imperialism serves as a source of solidarity between the peoples in Latin America.
+ The second is common languages: Spanish and Portuguese are closely related. Again I hope that I do not offend the many people with other  languages as their first language if I say that the conditions for a common public space, and hence for radical regional democracy is more happy in Latin America than in some other regions. In view of recent experiences elsewhere this is likely to be more important for post-national democracy than computer-intensity.
+ The third is common interest. Again, I do not want to overstate the case, but it appears to me that all countries in Latin Ameica could gain in economic and cultural terns from deepened cooperation between them and also with other Southern regions, even if it has to happen at the cost of laxer links to Europe and North America.
+ The fourth is the mere fact that Latin Ametican efforts towards regional integration can learn from the European experience, positively and negatively. For instance, it appears to me that it can be advantageous to build relatively more on existing sub-regional organizations than has been done in the European context where Benelux, Nordic and other sub-regional cooperation structures have been eroded by European institutions when a better policy could have been to sustain and strengthen them as parts of a multilayered regional cooperation structure.

Latin American regional cooperation may also benefit from solidarity and cooperation with regional cooperation in other regions of the South. Together the cooperating regions may make historic contributions to a post-colonial and post-imperial, pluricentric and peaceful world order

With these remarks I wish Paraguay and all countries in Mercosur and South and Latin America at large determination and democratic energy for regional cooperation that will enhance a new internationalism and civilisational renewal world-wide.

Thank you for your attention.

Thomas Wallgren
E-mail:  thomas.wallgren@helsinki.fi



[1] The author is the secretary of Coalition for comprehensive democracy, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam in Finland. He is affiliated with the Brussels based organisation Corporate Europe Observatory, chair of the Finnish Refugee Council and co-chair of Alternative to the EU – Finland. He serves as an elected member of the city council of Helsinki and is co-chair of the social-democratic group. Wallgren is the head of the Department of Philosophy at the University of Helsinki, Finland. – All references are given for purposes of identification and transparency only. The author claims no ownership of his ideas nor originality for his views. He carries sole responsibility for the views expressed and all shortcomings of his remarks.



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, drugstore Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments


– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, check Sala 1, Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments


– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, pills Sala 1, sick Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments


– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


By Demba Moussa Dembele [1]

* Presentation given at International Conference of governments and social movements “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises” (21 and 22 July 2009, Asunción del Paraguay)


THE IMPACT OF THE CRISES ON AFRICA

The financial crisis and its transmission to the real economy are having devastating effects on Africa. According to the African Development Bank (AfDB), the average growth of the continent will be cut in half this year, from 5.9% to 2.8%, as a result of falling international demand and falling commodity prices. One illustration of that is the decline of exports projected to fall by 40% in 2009. The shortfall in exports will be compounded by the decrease in official development assistance (ODA) and remittances by African migrant workers. In 2007, these remittances were estimated at 28 billion US dollars, accounting for about 3% of the continent’s GDP. In several countries, these remittances are much higher than ODA. Private investments, in the form of foreign direct investments (FDIs) are also expected to fall sharply.

This bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. This situation in which Africa finds itself is the result of a set of neoliberal policies implemented over nearly three decades at the urging of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, joined later by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The food crisis has hit very hard several African countries and led to numerous food riots punctuated with dozens of deaths and hundreds of arrests. The food crisis has increased the external dependence of many countries and given a golden opportunity to the IMF and World Bank to expand their control over African economic policies.

REGIONAL RESPONSES FROM AFRICA
The above bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. Africa has been the main victim of ruthless neoliberal policies imposed by the IMF and World for nearly three decades, with the catastrophic economic, social and political consequences the African people are still witnessing. Therefore, the crises should be used as an opportunity by Africa to free itself from the shackles of neoliberal capitalism and explore new paths to an endogenous development with regional economic integration and cooperation as a key element in that process.

A) Challenge “Free Trade” Model and Theory.
The first step should be to challenge neoliberal models, especially the “free trade” model. In that perspective, African regional communities must challenge “free trade” agreements, such as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) with the United
States and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the European Union.
In connection with this challenge, it is the whole ideology of “free trade” that must be challenged and rejected. Indeed, it is that theory that underpins trade liberalization. It was in the name of “free trade” and “comparative advantage” that African countries were forced to accept sweeping trade liberalization that entailed huge economic and social costs, by increasing Africa’s external dependence, destroying domestic industries, accelerating deindustrialization and hampering sub-regional economic integration.

By contrast, none of the “benefits” that were supposed to accrue from trade liberalization, according to the IMF and World Bank, was achieved. Africa’s trade performance did not improve. Assessing the record of trade liberalization in Africa since the early 1980s, UNCTAD[2]  came to the conclusion that the results were far from expectations. Indeed, the outcome of trade liberalization in Africa could hardly be different. While the IFIs and the WTO were extolling the virtues of “free trade”, the staggering subsidies that Western countries were providing to their agricultural exporters and the disguised or open trade barriers they erected to protect their markets have made “free trade” a farce.

B) Reclaim the Debate on Africa’s Development
The collapse of market fundamentalism and the discredit of IFIs provide Africa with a golden opportunity to reclaim the debate on its development. No external force can “develop” Africa. So, Africans should restore their self-confidence, trust African expertise and promote the use of African endogenous knowledge and technology. Since development should be viewed as a multidimensional and complex process of transformation, there can be no genuine development without an active State. Proponents of State intervention have been vindicated by the demise of laisser-faire and the active State intervention in the United States and leading European countries.

However, the State is no longer the only player. It has to contend with civil society organizations which have become key players in the debate on Africa’s development. Therefore, African sub-regional and continental institutions should work with these organizations to explore an alternative development paradigm in Africa.

In the search for that paradigm, a number of key documents should be revisited. They include the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA, 1981); the African Alternative Framework to structural adjustment programs (AAF-SAPs, 1989); the Arusha Declaration on popular participation to development (1990); the Abuja Treaty on economic integration (1991), among others. All these documents were published under the leadership of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and the Organization of African Unity, which was replaced by the African Union in 2001. This shows that African sub-regional and continental institutions had played a leading role in the debate on the continent’s development before the onslaught of the neoliberal ideology. They can play that role again by initiating the update of the above documents and taking into account the contributions made by civil society organizations in the areas of gender equality, trade; debt; food sovereignty, human and social rights and so forth.

C) Accelerate Regional Integration
One of the key issues in reclaiming the debate on Africa’s development is sub-regional and continental integration. It necessary to stress again that integration is one of the keys to Africa’s survival and long-term development. This was reiterated during the Summit of African Heads of State in Sirte (Libya) on July 1-3, 2009 and stressed by UNCTAD in its latest report on Africa[3].   
Despite an experience of sub-regional integration for more than 30 years, Africa is lagging behind other continents in terms of concrete achievements. In 1991, African countries tried to revive the spirit of integration by signing the Abuja Treaty, which projected an African Economic Community (AEC) by 2025. In the pursuit of that objective, the Treaty called for the rationalization of sub-regional economic communities in the continent’s five sub-regions. But years later, this recommendation has yet to be implemented.

1) Integration Trough Development or Market Model?
One of the main causes of the failure or mixed results of economic integration in Africa is the model used in the sub-regional groupings. Sub-regional groupings followed the European model of integration, the market model characterized by trade liberalization aimed at stimulating trade of goods and services. The European model was justified because European countries had mature industries and saturated internal markets. Therefore, the possibility of further growth depended on access to new markets. Hence, the model of trade liberalization aimed at opening up national markets to neighboring countries’ goods and services.

In Africa, the situation was different. These countries were at the early stages of their industrialization and were exporting mainly raw materials and semi-finished goods. Even today, roughly two-thirds of the continent’s exports are composed of raw materials and semi-processed goods, according to UNCTAD[4].  Therefore, following the market model would not lead to integration. This is exactly what happened. After decades of integration, intra-African exports in several sub-regions account for about 10% of their overall exports. Between 2004 and 2006, intra-African exports accounted for 8.7% of the continent’s total exports while intra-African imports were estimated at 9.6% of Africa’s total imports. However, for Sub-Saharan Africa, intra-African exports accounted for 12% of total exports [5]. 
The level of trade is low or negligible even among countries sharing the same currency, the cfa franc, like the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CAEMC).Yet, the common currency was supposed to be an integrating factor by eliminating exchange rate risks and providing some kind of “economic stability” to these countries! In CAEMC, intra-regional trade is less than 2%. In WAEMU, intra-regional trade is less than 10%. Only the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)[6]  and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) seem to have significant levels of intra-regional trade flows. For instance in 2006, UEMOA exports to ECOWAS and other African countries accounted for respectively 26% and 32%, while UEMOA imports from these groupings were respectively 20% and 23%, according to UNCTAD[7].

Trade should serve production and development, not the other way around. Trade cannot be an end in itself. This is why integration through the market model makes no sense in most sub-regions in Africa since sub-regional economic communities have little to exchange because the bulk of their exports is composed of commodities. By contrast, the production model could provide the economies of scale indispensable to an effective and successful industrialization strategy that would help build industries capable to transform raw materials and commodities to meet people’s basic needs. By adding more value to Africa’s products, the production model may also lay the ground for a viable regional market, which in turn would support a regional demand-led growth strategy as opposed to the export-led growth strategy imposed by the IFIs and the WTO.

2) Create Regional Currencies and New Regional Institutions
One of the obstacles to economic integration in West and Central Africa is the use of a currency inherited from French colonization, the cfa franc. Its use by the WAEMU has hampered efforts to merge that Union into ECOWAS, as recommended by the 1991 Abuja Treaty. Instead of the “benefits” the use of the cfa franc was supposed to bring, the 14 African countries using it are all classified as either “Least Developed Countries” (LDCs) and/or “Heavily Indebted Poor Countries” (HIPCs)! Moreover, while trade flows among these countries account for 10% or less of their overall trade, as already indicated, at the bilateral level, France continues to be the main trading partner of most of these countries. Their trade with the European Union (EU) accounts for more than half of their overall trade. This means that the common currency has reinforced these countries’ external dependence and the outward orientation of their economies.

The experience with the cfa franc has convinced African leaders that development cannot occur without exercising a sovereign control over their monetary policies. And it is now widely accepted that real progress toward economic integration requires abandoning the cfa franc in favor of common currencies in West and Central Africa. But so far discussions on the issue have been slow. One may hope that the current crises may open the eyes of policy makers and make them take the decisive steps toward creating new regional currencies, which can serve not only the process of economic integration but also the wider goal of an endogenous development.

Along with regional currencies, African countries need to move toward new institutions. There is a debate within the African Union Commission on setting up an African Monetary Fund (AMF) and an African Central Bank (ACB). Beyond technical difficulties, however, the main obstacle to achieving these projects is the African leadership. Building a consensus on these issues and on other key objectives depends on the political will and strong commitment of African leaders.

There is no doubt that Western countries and international financial institutions will do what they can to foil these projects and keep Africa under their control. For example, if African countries accept to sign the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), on the terms dictated by the European Union, these projects are likely to be put on hold for the foreseeable future. On the other hand, so long as African countries continue to listen to the IMF and World Bank, they will never reclaim their sovereign right to design their own policies, which is the indispensable step toward exploring an alternative development paradigm.

3) Better Continental Coordination
The acceleration of sub-regional integration should go hand in hand with a greater and more effective coordination at the continental level. In November 2008, the African Union Commission, the Economic Commission for Africa and the African Development Bank organized a meeting of African Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors to discuss Africa’s position on the responses to the financial crisis before the first G20 Summit in Washington, DC. At that meeting, a Committee, composed of 10 African Finance Ministers and Central and Regional Bank Governors (C10)[8],  was formed with the mission to make recommendations on how Africa should respond to the global crises at the sub-regional and continental level.

So the crises seem to have given a new momentum to coordination of policies and greater cooperation at the continental level. Indeed, since the creation of the African Union (AU) in 2001, there seems to be a new consciousness about African economic integration and cooperation and the need for Africa to speak with one voice. The African Union Commission has taken a number of initiatives to strengthen that consciousness. It was under its sponsorship that African Ministers in charge of Economic Integration and Cooperation met in Burkina Faso in 2008 to assess the state of the integration process.

But once again, the issue of economic integration in Africa is essentially a political issue. Without a strong political commitment and will to move toward economic integration and a united Africa, nothing significant will happen. Therefore, African leaders should learn from the experiences of other regions of the Global South, especially South America. In that region, the Bolivarian Alternatives of the Americas (ALBA) and the South Bank are strengthening the solidarity and cooperation of States and peoples through closer economic, financial and political ties. .

D) Promote Policies of Collective Food Sovereignty
As indicated earlier, in the name of “free market”, structural adjustment programs (SAPs) destroyed agricultural policies put in place after independence, by dismantling parastatals that used to provide services to farmers. The IMF and World Bank compelled African countries to give priority to cash crops for exports in order to repay the external debt. As a result, food production was neglected which led to greater dependence on food imports to feed African citizens. For example, net food imports in Sub-Saharan Africa have increased from 1.3% to 1.9% of GDP between 2000 and 2007 and from 1.4% to 2.0% of GDP in West Africa during the same period[9].
Now the IMF and the World Bank are using the food crisis to make a comeback, while trying to hide their responsibility in the crisis of the agricultural sector in Africa.

What African countries need is to move toward policies of collective self-sufficiency in food production. Africa leaders should listen to their citizens and trust small-scale African farmers and other agricultural producers who need good public policies that would enable them to produce enough to feed the African population. Africa has water aplenty and vast arable lands, most of which are not exploited. In 2003 during an African Summit in Maputo (Mozambique), a recommendation was made to invest each year at least 10% of national budgets in agriculture. Only a few countries followed through this recommendation. The African Union Summit held in Libya (July 1-3, 2009) held a special session on agricultural policies and heads of State reiterated the pledge to invest more in agriculture to achieve “food security”. One may hope that African leaders have learned a good lesson from the food crisis and understood the urgent necessity to reverse current agricultural policies and pursue the objective food sovereignty.

E) Resources for Financing Africa’s Development
In the short run, all financial flows to Africa in response to the financial, food and energy crises should be in the form of grants and concessional financing, not new loans, since Africa has no responsibility, whatsoever, in these crises. From that perspective, any flows to the continent by the IFIs and Western countries in the form of loans will be deemed illegitimate by African civil society organizations and pressure will bear on African governments not to repay these illegitimate loans.

1) Moratorium and Debt Cancellation
On the other hand, in May 2009 the Secretary General of UNCTAD called for a moratorium on the debt of “poor” countries”. African countries should support this proposal. However, African governments and institutions should seize this opportunity and take that proposal a step further by calling for the unconditional cancellation of the continent’s debt. In 2005, the African Union Commission had taken a number of initiatives to build a strong continental consensus on the continent’s external debt and this common position was instrumental in the decision made by G8 leaders at their Summit in Gleneagles in July of that year. The current crises offer an even greater opportunity to the African Union Commission to intensify the call for debt cancellation.

One of the most important lessons to be learned by African leaders from the financial crisis is that Africa cannot count on its so-called “traditional partners”, i.e. Western countries and international financial institutions under their control. It is well known that none of the promises of “aid” to Africa has been completely fulfilled, including the one made at the G8 Summit in Scotland in 2005 to double “aid” to Africa to $50 billion a year beginning in 2010. By contrast, in 2008 and earlier this year, in just a few weeks, the United States and Europe had mobilized trillions of dollars to rescue their banks and industries. The first rescue package for AIG ($152 billion) by the US government was higher than the amount of “aid” promised in 2007 by the United States and European Union to all developing countries, estimated at $91 billion!

Therefore, African leaders should understand once for all that there must be a significant shift in the sources of financing for Africa’s development. Reclaiming its sovereign right to design its own policies goes with vigorous efforts to raise financial resources internally and the necessity to bear a greater part of the burden to finance its development. The African Development Bank (AfDB) rightly claims that “The continent needs to boost domestic resource mobilization – through financial and fiscal instruments- to support growth and investment. Addressing these issues require strategic interventions at various levels”[10].

2) Domestic Resource Mobilization
So, African countries must put a greater emphasis on domestic resource mobilization. In this regard, African countries should adopt new monetary and fiscal policies aimed at increasing domestic savings. And the potential is huge indeed, if African countries give themselves the means to achieve this objective. In a study, Christian Aid indicates that African countries are losing close to $160 billion each year in tax revenues, as a result of tax exemptions and for lack of enforcement of agreements with foreign companies investing in various sectors, especially in the mining industry[11].  Dealing with weak and ineffective States, these companies resort to various means to pay lower taxes or avoid paying taxes at all.

Therefore, to compel foreign companies to fulfill their obligations and expand the tax base, African countries need to reorganize their States into effective States able to enforce agreements and mobilize resources for development. Several international institutions have made this recommendation. UNCTAD devoted one of its reports on Africa to that issue[12].  It argues that it is time to build developmental States and put them at the centre of the development process in order for African countries to recover the policy space lost to neoliberal institutions over the last three decades. The Report says that such States should help African governments improve tax collection; formalize the informal sector; stop capital flight; make more productive use of remittances from African expatriates and adopt effective measures to repatriate resources held abroad.

Coordination of financial and monetary policies at the sub-regional level would put African countries in a stronger position to achieve this goal. Therefore, sub-regional economic communities have a crucial role to play in domestic resource mobilization by proposing common legalizations on capital flows and common tax policies vis a vis foreign investors.

3) South-South Cooperation and Solidarity
African economic integration will greatly benefit from building closer ties between Africa and other Southern regions. In particular, it would open a number of possibilities for non traditional financing for Africa. With the rise of new powers with substantial foreign exchange reserves and willing to build a new type of cooperation with African countries, the continent has new opportunities that should be used wisely. Already, several African countries are turning more and more to these powers, like China, India, Iran, Venezuela and Gulf countries, for loans, direct investments and joint-ventures. The South-South trade has increased from $577 billion to $1,700 billion between 1995 and 2005 and it keeps rising[13].  In 2008, trade between Africa and China was estimated at $107 billion, with a favorable balance for Africa.

Economic and political ties with South America are also growing. In June 2009, the President of the African Union Commission, Mr. Jean Ping, in a visit to Venezuela was quoted as saying that African countries would strengthen their cooperation with ALBA countries. He hailed the cooperation between Africa and South America in general and called for strengthening their ties at all levels. At the political level, the second Africa-South America Summit will be held in Caracas in September 2009 (9-14), after the first Summit held in November 2006 in Abuja (Nigeria).
These are very encouraging signs that a growing consciousness is taking place at the level of African leaders on the need to “look South”. Indeed, by developing its economic and financial cooperation as well as the political solidarity with the rest of the South, Africa will not only benefit from new sources of financing but also strengthen the policy space it needs to weaken the influence of “traditional partners”, especially the international financial institutions.

4) Repatriation of Stolen/Illegal Wealth
The African Union Commission and the African Development Bank and the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) have issued a joint document calling for the cooperation of Western countries and international institutions in Africa’s efforts to get back the wealth that rightfully belongs to the African people. This is a positive development that gives a new momentum to the demand made several years ago by African civil society organizations working on the issue of Africa’s illegitimate.
This campaign for the repatriation of the wealth stolen from the African people and illegally kept abroad with the complicity of Western States and financial institutions is long overdue. Therefore, sub-regional and continental institutions should work closely with civil society organizations for a strong and sustained mobilization on that issue. With only half of the wealth illegally kept in Western banks, Africa’s development financing could be largely covered[14].




NOTES

[1] Director of the African Forum on Alternatives & Member of Jubilee South International Coordinating Committee (JS/ICC), Dakar (Senegal).

[2]UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa 2008. Export Performance Following Trade Liberalization: Some Patterns and Policy Perspectives. United Nations: New York & Geneva, 2008.
[3] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009: Strengthening Regional Economic Integration for Africa’s Development. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2009

[4] UNCTAD. Economic Development in Africa. Trade Performance and Commodity Dependence. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2004.
[5] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009, op.cit, p.29
[6] ECOWAS is composed of 15 countries. It includes all 8 WAEMU members and 7 other countries, like Nigeria, Ghana, etc. Each of these 7 countries has its own currency.
[7] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2007, p.99

[8] The Committee is composed of the Finance Ministers of South Africa, Egypt, Nigeria, Cameroon and Tanzania and Central Bank Governors of Algeria, Botswana, Kenya, West African Central Bank (BCEAO), Central Bank of Central African States (BEAC) and African Development Bank President.  
[9] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2008, p. 34, table 2.3

[10] African Development Bank (2008), Ministerial Conference on the Financial Crisis, Tunis, November 12, 2008. Briefing Note No. 1: The Current Financial Crisis: Impact on African Economies
[11] Christian Aid (2008), Death and Taxes: the true toll of tax dodging. London, A Christian Aid Report (May)
[12] UNCTAD (2007), Economic Development in Africa. Reclaiming Policy Space: Domestic Resource Mobilisation and Developmental States. New York & Geneva: United Nations
[13] Le Monde Diplomatique, L’Atlas, February 2009, p. 183
[14]See Léonce Ndukumana and Hippolyte Fofack (2008), Capital Flight Repatriation. Investigation Into its Potential Gains for Sub-Saharan African countries (October 2008).



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By Demba Moussa Dembele [1]

THE IMPACT OF THE CRISES ON AFRICA

The financial crisis and its transmission to the real economy are having devastating effects on Africa. According to the African Development Bank (AfDB), the average growth of the continent will be cut in half this year, from 5.9% to 2.8%, as a result of falling international demand and falling commodity prices. One illustration of that is the decline of exports projected to fall by 40% in 2009. The shortfall in exports will be compounded by the decrease in official development assistance (ODA) and remittances by African migrant workers. In 2007, these remittances were estimated at 28 billion US dollars, accounting for about 3% of the continent’s GDP. In several countries, these remittances are much higher than ODA. Private investments, in the form of foreign direct investments (FDIs) are also expected to fall sharply.

This bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. This situation in which Africa finds itself is the result of a set of neoliberal policies implemented over nearly three decades at the urging of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, joined later by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The food crisis has hit very hard several African countries and led to numerous food riots punctuated with dozens of deaths and hundreds of arrests. The food crisis has increased the external dependence of many countries and given a golden opportunity to the IMF and World Bank to expand their control over African economic policies.

REGIONAL RESPONSES FROM AFRICA
The above bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. Africa has been the main victim of ruthless neoliberal policies imposed by the IMF and World for nearly three decades, with the catastrophic economic, social and political consequences the African people are still witnessing. Therefore, the crises should be used as an opportunity by Africa to free itself from the shackles of neoliberal capitalism and explore new paths to an endogenous development with regional economic integration and cooperation as a key element in that process.

A) Challenge “Free Trade” Model and Theory.      
The first step should be to challenge neoliberal models, especially the “free trade” model. In that perspective, African regional communities must challenge “free trade” agreements, such as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) with the United
States and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the European Union.
In connection with this challenge, it is the whole ideology of “free trade” that must be challenged and rejected. Indeed, it is that theory that underpins trade liberalization. It was in the name of “free trade” and “comparative advantage” that African countries were forced to accept sweeping trade liberalization that entailed huge economic and social costs, by increasing Africa’s external dependence, destroying domestic industries, accelerating deindustrialization and hampering sub-regional economic integration.

By contrast, none of the “benefits” that were supposed to accrue from trade liberalization, according to the IMF and World Bank, was achieved. Africa’s trade performance did not improve. Assessing the record of trade liberalization in Africa since the early 1980s, UNCTAD  came to the conclusion that the results were far from expectations. Indeed, the outcome of trade liberalization in Africa could hardly be different. While the IFIs and the WTO were extolling the virtues of “free trade”, the staggering subsidies that Western countries were providing to their agricultural exporters and the disguised or open trade barriers they erected to protect their markets have made “free trade” a farce.

B) Reclaim the Debate on Africa’s Development
The collapse of market fundamentalism and the discredit of IFIs provide Africa with a golden opportunity to reclaim the debate on its development. No external force can “develop” Africa. So, Africans should restore their self-confidence, trust African expertise and promote the use of African endogenous knowledge and technology. Since development should be viewed as a multidimensional and complex process of transformation, there can be no genuine development without an active State. Proponents of State intervention have been vindicated by the demise of laisser-faire and the active State intervention in the United States and leading European countries.

However, the State is no longer the only player. It has to contend with civil society organizations which have become key players in the debate on Africa’s development. Therefore, African sub-regional and continental institutions should work with these organizations to explore an alternative development paradigm in Africa.

In the search for that paradigm, a number of key documents should be revisited. They include the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA, 1981); the African Alternative Framework to structural adjustment programs (AAF-SAPs, 1989); the Arusha Declaration on popular participation to development (1990); the Abuja Treaty on economic integration (1991), among others. All these documents were published under the leadership of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and the Organization of African Unity, which was replaced by the African Union in 2001. This shows that African sub-regional and continental institutions had played a leading role in the debate on the continent’s development before the onslaught of the neoliberal ideology. They can play that role again by initiating the update of the above documents and taking into account the contributions made by civil society organizations in the areas of gender equality, trade; debt; food sovereignty, human and social rights and so forth.

C) Accelerate Regional Integration
One of the key issues in reclaiming the debate on Africa’s development is sub-regional and continental integration. It necessary to stress again that integration is one of the keys to Africa’s survival and long-term development. This was reiterated during the Summit of African Heads of State in Sirte (Libya) on July 1-3, 2009 and stressed by UNCTAD in its latest report on Africa.   
Despite an experience of sub-regional integration for more than 30 years, Africa is lagging behind other continents in terms of concrete achievements. In 1991, African countries tried to revive the spirit of integration by signing the Abuja Treaty, which projected an African Economic Community (AEC) by 2025. In the pursuit of that objective, the Treaty called for the rationalization of sub-regional economic communities in the continent’s five sub-regions. But years later, this recommendation has yet to be implemented.

1) Integration Trough Development or Market Model?
One of the main causes of the failure or mixed results of economic integration in Africa is the model used in the sub-regional groupings. Sub-regional groupings followed the European model of integration, the market model characterized by trade liberalization aimed at stimulating trade of goods and services. The European model was justified because European countries had mature industries and saturated internal markets. Therefore, the possibility of further growth depended on access to new markets. Hence, the model of trade liberalization aimed at opening up national markets to neighboring countries’ goods and services.

In Africa, the situation was different. These countries were at the early stages of their industrialization and were exporting mainly raw materials and semi-finished goods. Even today, roughly two-thirds of the continent’s exports are composed of raw materials and semi-processed goods, according to UNCTAD.  Therefore, following the market model would not lead to integration. This is exactly what happened. After decades of integration, intra-African exports in several sub-regions account for about 10% of their overall exports. Between 2004 and 2006, intra-African exports accounted for 8.7% of the continent’s total exports while intra-African imports were estimated at 9.6% of Africa’s total imports. However, for Sub-Saharan Africa, intra-African exports accounted for 12% of total exports  
The level of trade is low or negligible even among countries sharing the same currency, the cfa franc, like the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CAEMC).Yet, the common currency was supposed to be an integrating factor by eliminating exchange rate risks and providing some kind of “economic stability” to these countries! In CAEMC, intra-regional trade is less than 2%. In WAEMU, intra-regional trade is less than 10%. Only the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)  and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) seem to have significant levels of intra-regional trade flows. For instance in 2006, UEMOA exports to ECOWAS and other African countries accounted for respectively 26% and 32%, while UEMOA imports from these groupings were respectively 20% and 23%, according to UNCTAD.

Trade should serve production and development, not the other way around. Trade cannot be an end in itself. This is why integration through the market model makes no sense in most sub-regions in Africa since sub-regional economic communities have little to exchange because the bulk of their exports is composed of commodities. By contrast, the production model could provide the economies of scale indispensable to an effective and successful industrialization strategy that would help build industries capable to transform raw materials and commodities to meet people’s basic needs. By adding more value to Africa’s products, the production model may also lay the ground for a viable regional market, which in turn would support a regional demand-led growth strategy as opposed to the export-led growth strategy imposed by the IFIs and the WTO.

2) Create Regional Currencies and New Regional Institutions
One of the obstacles to economic integration in West and Central Africa is the use of a currency inherited from French colonization, the cfa franc. Its use by the WAEMU has hampered efforts to merge that Union into ECOWAS, as recommended by the 1991 Abuja Treaty. Instead of the “benefits” the use of the cfa franc was supposed to bring, the 14 African countries using it are all classified as either “Least Developed Countries” (LDCs) and/or “Heavily Indebted Poor Countries” (HIPCs)! Moreover, while trade flows among these countries account for 10% or less of their overall trade, as already indicated, at the bilateral level, France continues to be the main trading partner of most of these countries. Their trade with the European Union (EU) accounts for more than half of their overall trade. This means that the common currency has reinforced these countries’ external dependence and the outward orientation of their economies.

The experience with the cfa franc has convinced African leaders that development cannot occur without exercising a sovereign control over their monetary policies. And it is now widely accepted that real progress toward economic integration requires abandoning the cfa franc in favor of common currencies in West and Central Africa. But so far discussions on the issue have been slow. One may hope that the current crises may open the eyes of policy makers and make them take the decisive steps toward creating new regional currencies, which can serve not only the process of economic integration but also the wider goal of an endogenous development.

Along with regional currencies, African countries need to move toward new institutions. There is a debate within the African Union Commission on setting up an African Monetary Fund (AMF) and an African Central Bank (ACB). Beyond technical difficulties, however, the main obstacle to achieving these projects is the African leadership. Building a consensus on these issues and on other key objectives depends on the political will and strong commitment of African leaders.

There is no doubt that Western countries and international financial institutions will do what they can to foil these projects and keep Africa under their control. For example, if African countries accept to sign the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), on the terms dictated by the European Union, these projects are likely to be put on hold for the foreseeable future. On the other hand, so long as African countries continue to listen to the IMF and World Bank, they will never reclaim their sovereign right to design their own policies, which is the indispensable step toward exploring an alternative development paradigm.

3) Better Continental Coordination
The acceleration of sub-regional integration should go hand in hand with a greater and more effective coordination at the continental level. In November 2008, the African Union Commission, the Economic Commission for Africa and the African Development Bank organized a meeting of African Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors to discuss Africa’s position on the responses to the financial crisis before the first G20 Summit in Washington, DC. At that meeting, a Committee, composed of 10 African Finance Ministers and Central and Regional Bank Governors (C10),  was formed with the mission to make recommendations on how Africa should respond to the global crises at the sub-regional and continental level.

So the crises seem to have given a new momentum to coordination of policies and greater cooperation at the continental level. Indeed, since the creation of the African Union (AU) in 2001, there seems to be a new consciousness about African economic integration and cooperation and the need for Africa to speak with one voice. The African Union Commission has taken a number of initiatives to strengthen that consciousness. It was under its sponsorship that African Ministers in charge of Economic Integration and Cooperation met in Burkina Faso in 2008 to assess the state of the integration process.

But once again, the issue of economic integration in Africa is essentially a political issue. Without a strong political commitment and will to move toward economic integration and a united Africa, nothing significant will happen. Therefore, African leaders should learn from the experiences of other regions of the Global South, especially South America. In that region, the Bolivarian Alternatives of the Americas (ALBA) and the South Bank are strengthening the solidarity and cooperation of States and peoples through closer economic, financial and political ties. .

D) Promote Policies of Collective Food Sovereignty
As indicated earlier, in the name of “free market”, structural adjustment programs (SAPs) destroyed agricultural policies put in place after independence, by dismantling parastatals that used to provide services to farmers. The IMF and World Bank compelled African countries to give priority to cash crops for exports in order to repay the external debt. As a result, food production was neglected which led to greater dependence on food imports to feed African citizens. For example, net food imports in Sub-Saharan Africa have increased from 1.3% to 1.9% of GDP between 2000 and 2007 and from 1.4% to 2.0% of GDP in West Africa during the same period.
Now the IMF and the World Bank are using the food crisis to make a comeback, while trying to hide their responsibility in the crisis of the agricultural sector in Africa.

What African countries need is to move toward policies of collective self-sufficiency in food production. Africa leaders should listen to their citizens and trust small-scale African farmers and other agricultural producers who need good public policies that would enable them to produce enough to feed the African population. Africa has water aplenty and vast arable lands, most of which are not exploited. In 2003 during an African Summit in Maputo (Mozambique), a recommendation was made to invest each year at least 10% of national budgets in agriculture. Only a few countries followed through this recommendation. The African Union Summit held in Libya (July 1-3, 2009) held a special session on agricultural policies and heads of State reiterated the pledge to invest more in agriculture to achieve “food security”. One may hope that African leaders have learned a good lesson from the food crisis and understood the urgent necessity to reverse current agricultural policies and pursue the objective food sovereignty.

E) Resources for Financing Africa’s Development
In the short run, all financial flows to Africa in response to the financial, food and energy crises should be in the form of grants and concessional financing, not new loans, since Africa has no responsibility, whatsoever, in these crises. From that perspective, any flows to the continent by the IFIs and Western countries in the form of loans will be deemed illegitimate by African civil society organizations and pressure will bear on African governments not to repay these illegitimate loans.

1) Moratorium and Debt Cancellation   
On the other hand, in May 2009 the Secretary General of UNCTAD called for a moratorium on the debt of “poor” countries”. African countries should support this proposal. However, African governments and institutions should seize this opportunity and take that proposal a step further by calling for the unconditional cancellation of the continent’s debt. In 2005, the African Union Commission had taken a number of initiatives to build a strong continental consensus on the continent’s external debt and this common position was instrumental in the decision made by G8 leaders at their Summit in Gleneagles in July of that year. The current crises offer an even greater opportunity to the African Union Commission to intensify the call for debt cancellation.

One of the most important lessons to be learned by African leaders from the financial crisis is that Africa cannot count on its so-called “traditional partners”, i.e. Western countries and international financial institutions under their control. It is well known that none of the promises of “aid” to Africa has been completely fulfilled, including the one made at the G8 Summit in Scotland in 2005 to double “aid” to Africa to $50 billion a year beginning in 2010. By contrast, in 2008 and earlier this year, in just a few weeks, the United States and Europe had mobilized trillions of dollars to rescue their banks and industries. The first rescue package for AIG ($152 billion) by the US government was higher than the amount of “aid” promised in 2007 by the United States and European Union to all developing countries, estimated at $91 billion!

Therefore, African leaders should understand once for all that there must be a significant shift in the sources of financing for Africa’s development. Reclaiming its sovereign right to design its own policies goes with vigorous efforts to raise financial resources internally and the necessity to bear a greater part of the burden to finance its development. The African Development Bank (AfDB) rightly claims that “The continent needs to boost domestic resource mobilization – through financial and fiscal instruments- to support growth and investment. Addressing these issues require strategic interventions at various levels”

2) Domestic Resource Mobilization
So, African countries must put a greater emphasis on domestic resource mobilization. In this regard, African countries should adopt new monetary and fiscal policies aimed at increasing domestic savings. And the potential is huge indeed, if African countries give themselves the means to achieve this objective. In a study, Christian Aid indicates that African countries are losing close to $160 billion each year in tax revenues, as a result of tax exemptions and for lack of enforcement of agreements with foreign companies investing in various sectors, especially in the mining industry.  Dealing with weak and ineffective States, these companies resort to various means to pay lower taxes or avoid paying taxes at all.

Therefore, to compel foreign companies to fulfill their obligations and expand the tax base, African countries need to reorganize their States into effective States able to enforce agreements and mobilize resources for development. Several international institutions have made this recommendation. UNCTAD devoted one of its reports on Africa to that issue.  It argues that it is time to build developmental States and put them at the centre of the development process in order for African countries to recover the policy space lost to neoliberal institutions over the last three decades. The Report says that such States should help African governments improve tax collection; formalize the informal sector; stop capital flight; make more productive use of remittances from African expatriates and adopt effective measures to repatriate resources held abroad.

Coordination of financial and monetary policies at the sub-regional level would put African countries in a stronger position to achieve this goal. Therefore, sub-regional economic communities have a crucial role to play in domestic resource mobilization by proposing common legalizations on capital flows and common tax policies vis a vis foreign investors.

3) South-South Cooperation and Solidarity
African economic integration will greatly benefit from building closer ties between Africa and other Southern regions. In particular, it would open a number of possibilities for non traditional financing for Africa. With the rise of new powers with substantial foreign exchange reserves and willing to build a new type of cooperation with African countries, the continent has new opportunities that should be used wisely. Already, several African countries are turning more and more to these powers, like China, India, Iran, Venezuela and Gulf countries, for loans, direct investments and joint-ventures. The South-South trade has increased from $577 billion to $1,700 billion between 1995 and 2005 and it keeps rising.  In 2008, trade between Africa and China was estimated at $107 billion, with a favorable balance for Africa.

Economic and political ties with South America are also growing. In June 2009, the President of the African Union Commission, Mr. Jean Ping, in a visit to Venezuela was quoted as saying that African countries would strengthen their cooperation with ALBA countries. He hailed the cooperation between Africa and South America in general and called for strengthening their ties at all levels. At the political level, the second Africa-South America Summit will be held in Caracas in September 2009 (9-14), after the first Summit held in November 2006 in Abuja (Nigeria).
These are very encouraging signs that a growing consciousness is taking place at the level of African leaders on the need to “look South”. Indeed, by developing its economic and financial cooperation as well as the political solidarity with the rest of the South, Africa will not only benefit from new sources of financing but also strengthen the policy space it needs to weaken the influence of “traditional partners”, especially the international financial institutions.

4) Repatriation of Stolen/Illegal Wealth
The African Union Commission and the African Development Bank and the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) have issued a joint document calling for the cooperation of Western countries and international institutions in Africa’s efforts to get back the wealth that rightfully belongs to the African people. This is a positive development that gives a new momentum to the demand made several years ago by African civil society organizations working on the issue of Africa’s illegitimate.
This campaign for the repatriation of the wealth stolen from the African people and illegally kept abroad with the complicity of Western States and financial institutions is long overdue. Therefore, sub-regional and continental institutions should work closely with civil society organizations for a strong and sustained mobilization on that issue. With only half of the wealth illegally kept in Western banks, Africa’s development financing could be largely covered.




NOTES

[1] Director of the African Forum on Alternatives & Member of Jubilee South International Coordinating Committee (JS/ICC), Dakar (Senegal).

[2]UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa 2008. Export Performance Following Trade Liberalization: Some Patterns and Policy Perspectives. United Nations: New York & Geneva, 2008.
[3] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009: Strengthening Regional Economic Integration for Africa’s Development. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2009

[4] UNCTAD. Economic Development in Africa. Trade Performance and Commodity Dependence. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2004.
[5] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009, op.cit, p.29
[6] ECOWAS is composed of 15 countries. It includes all 8 WAEMU members and 7 other countries, like Nigeria, Ghana, etc. Each of these 7 countries has its own currency.
[7] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2007, p.99

[8] The Committee is composed of the Finance Ministers of South Africa, Egypt, Nigeria, Cameroon and Tanzania and Central Bank Governors of Algeria, Botswana, Kenya, West African Central Bank (BCEAO), Central Bank of Central African States (BEAC) and African Development Bank President.  
[9] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2008, p. 34, table 2.3

[10] African Development Bank (2008), Ministerial Conference on the Financial Crisis, Tunis, November 12, 2008. Briefing Note No. 1: The Current Financial Crisis: Impact on African Economies
[11] Christian Aid (2008), Death and Taxes: the true toll of tax dodging. London, A Christian Aid Report (May)
[12] UNCTAD (2007), Economic Development in Africa. Reclaiming Policy Space: Domestic Resource Mobilisation and Developmental States. New York & Geneva: United Nations
[13] Le Monde Diplomatique, L’Atlas, February 2009, p. 183
[14]See Léonce Ndukumana and Hippolyte Fofack (2008), Capital Flight Repatriation. Investigation Into its Potential Gains for Sub-Saharan African countries (October 2008).



By Demba Moussa Dembele [1]

THE IMPACT OF THE CRISES ON AFRICA

The financial crisis and its transmission to the real economy are having devastating effects on Africa. According to the African Development Bank (AfDB), the average growth of the continent will be cut in half this year, from 5.9% to 2.8%, as a result of falling international demand and falling commodity prices. One illustration of that is the decline of exports projected to fall by 40% in 2009. The shortfall in exports will be compounded by the decrease in official development assistance (ODA) and remittances by African migrant workers. In 2007, these remittances were estimated at 28 billion US dollars, accounting for about 3% of the continent’s GDP. In several countries, these remittances are much higher than ODA. Private investments, in the form of foreign direct investments (FDIs) are also expected to fall sharply.

This bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. This situation in which Africa finds itself is the result of a set of neoliberal policies implemented over nearly three decades at the urging of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, joined later by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The food crisis has hit very hard several African countries and led to numerous food riots punctuated with dozens of deaths and hundreds of arrests. The food crisis has increased the external dependence of many countries and given a golden opportunity to the IMF and World Bank to expand their control over African economic policies.

REGIONAL RESPONSES FROM AFRICA
The above bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. Africa has been the main victim of ruthless neoliberal policies imposed by the IMF and World for nearly three decades, with the catastrophic economic, social and political consequences the African people are still witnessing. Therefore, the crises should be used as an opportunity by Africa to free itself from the shackles of neoliberal capitalism and explore new paths to an endogenous development with regional economic integration and cooperation as a key element in that process.

A) Challenge “Free Trade” Model and Theory.      
The first step should be to challenge neoliberal models, especially the “free trade” model. In that perspective, African regional communities must challenge “free trade” agreements, such as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) with the United
States and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the European Union.
In connection with this challenge, it is the whole ideology of “free trade” that must be challenged and rejected. Indeed, it is that theory that underpins trade liberalization. It was in the name of “free trade” and “comparative advantage” that African countries were forced to accept sweeping trade liberalization that entailed huge economic and social costs, by increasing Africa’s external dependence, destroying domestic industries, accelerating deindustrialization and hampering sub-regional economic integration.

By contrast, none of the “benefits” that were supposed to accrue from trade liberalization, according to the IMF and World Bank, was achieved. Africa’s trade performance did not improve. Assessing the record of trade liberalization in Africa since the early 1980s, UNCTAD  came to the conclusion that the results were far from expectations. Indeed, the outcome of trade liberalization in Africa could hardly be different. While the IFIs and the WTO were extolling the virtues of “free trade”, the staggering subsidies that Western countries were providing to their agricultural exporters and the disguised or open trade barriers they erected to protect their markets have made “free trade” a farce.

B) Reclaim the Debate on Africa’s Development
The collapse of market fundamentalism and the discredit of IFIs provide Africa with a golden opportunity to reclaim the debate on its development. No external force can “develop” Africa. So, Africans should restore their self-confidence, trust African expertise and promote the use of African endogenous knowledge and technology. Since development should be viewed as a multidimensional and complex process of transformation, there can be no genuine development without an active State. Proponents of State intervention have been vindicated by the demise of laisser-faire and the active State intervention in the United States and leading European countries.

However, the State is no longer the only player. It has to contend with civil society organizations which have become key players in the debate on Africa’s development. Therefore, African sub-regional and continental institutions should work with these organizations to explore an alternative development paradigm in Africa.

In the search for that paradigm, a number of key documents should be revisited. They include the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA, 1981); the African Alternative Framework to structural adjustment programs (AAF-SAPs, 1989); the Arusha Declaration on popular participation to development (1990); the Abuja Treaty on economic integration (1991), among others. All these documents were published under the leadership of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and the Organization of African Unity, which was replaced by the African Union in 2001. This shows that African sub-regional and continental institutions had played a leading role in the debate on the continent’s development before the onslaught of the neoliberal ideology. They can play that role again by initiating the update of the above documents and taking into account the contributions made by civil society organizations in the areas of gender equality, trade; debt; food sovereignty, human and social rights and so forth.

C) Accelerate Regional Integration
One of the key issues in reclaiming the debate on Africa’s development is sub-regional and continental integration. It necessary to stress again that integration is one of the keys to Africa’s survival and long-term development. This was reiterated during the Summit of African Heads of State in Sirte (Libya) on July 1-3, 2009 and stressed by UNCTAD in its latest report on Africa.   
Despite an experience of sub-regional integration for more than 30 years, Africa is lagging behind other continents in terms of concrete achievements. In 1991, African countries tried to revive the spirit of integration by signing the Abuja Treaty, which projected an African Economic Community (AEC) by 2025. In the pursuit of that objective, the Treaty called for the rationalization of sub-regional economic communities in the continent’s five sub-regions. But years later, this recommendation has yet to be implemented.

1) Integration Trough Development or Market Model?
One of the main causes of the failure or mixed results of economic integration in Africa is the model used in the sub-regional groupings. Sub-regional groupings followed the European model of integration, the market model characterized by trade liberalization aimed at stimulating trade of goods and services. The European model was justified because European countries had mature industries and saturated internal markets. Therefore, the possibility of further growth depended on access to new markets. Hence, the model of trade liberalization aimed at opening up national markets to neighboring countries’ goods and services.

In Africa, the situation was different. These countries were at the early stages of their industrialization and were exporting mainly raw materials and semi-finished goods. Even today, roughly two-thirds of the continent’s exports are composed of raw materials and semi-processed goods, according to UNCTAD.  Therefore, following the market model would not lead to integration. This is exactly what happened. After decades of integration, intra-African exports in several sub-regions account for about 10% of their overall exports. Between 2004 and 2006, intra-African exports accounted for 8.7% of the continent’s total exports while intra-African imports were estimated at 9.6% of Africa’s total imports. However, for Sub-Saharan Africa, intra-African exports accounted for 12% of total exports  
The level of trade is low or negligible even among countries sharing the same currency, the cfa franc, like the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CAEMC).Yet, the common currency was supposed to be an integrating factor by eliminating exchange rate risks and providing some kind of “economic stability” to these countries! In CAEMC, intra-regional trade is less than 2%. In WAEMU, intra-regional trade is less than 10%. Only the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)  and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) seem to have significant levels of intra-regional trade flows. For instance in 2006, UEMOA exports to ECOWAS and other African countries accounted for respectively 26% and 32%, while UEMOA imports from these groupings were respectively 20% and 23%, according to UNCTAD.   

Trade should serve production and development, not the other way around. Trade cannot be an end in itself. This is why integration through the market model makes no sense in most sub-regions in Africa since sub-regional economic communities have little to exchange because the bulk of their exports is composed of commodities. By contrast, the production model could provide the economies of scale indispensable to an effective and successful industrialization strategy that would help build industries capable to transform raw materials and commodities to meet people’s basic needs. By adding more value to Africa’s products, the production model may also lay the ground for a viable regional market, which in turn would support a regional demand-led growth strategy as opposed to the export-led growth strategy imposed by the IFIs and the WTO.      

2) Create Regional Currencies and New Regional Institutions
One of the obstacles to economic integration in West and Central Africa is the use of a currency inherited from French colonization, the cfa franc. Its use by the WAEMU has hampered efforts to merge that Union into ECOWAS, as recommended by the 1991 Abuja Treaty. Instead of the “benefits” the use of the cfa franc was supposed to bring, the 14 African countries using it are all classified as either “Least Developed Countries” (LDCs) and/or “Heavily Indebted Poor Countries” (HIPCs)! Moreover, while trade flows among these countries account for 10% or less of their overall trade, as already indicated, at the bilateral level, France continues to be the main trading partner of most of these countries. Their trade with the European Union (EU) accounts for more than half of their overall trade. This means that the common currency has reinforced these countries’ external dependence and the outward orientation of their economies.

The experience with the cfa franc has convinced African leaders that development cannot occur without exercising a sovereign control over their monetary policies. And it is now widely accepted that real progress toward economic integration requires abandoning the cfa franc in favor of common currencies in West and Central Africa. But so far discussions on the issue have been slow. One may hope that the current crises may open the eyes of policy makers and make them take the decisive steps toward creating new regional currencies, which can serve not only the process of economic integration but also the wider goal of an endogenous development.

Along with regional currencies, African countries need to move toward new institutions. There is a debate within the African Union Commission on setting up an African Monetary Fund (AMF) and an African Central Bank (ACB). Beyond technical difficulties, however, the main obstacle to achieving these projects is the African leadership. Building a consensus on these issues and on other key objectives depends on the political will and strong commitment of African leaders.

There is no doubt that Western countries and international financial institutions will do what they can to foil these projects and keep Africa under their control. For example, if African countries accept to sign the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), on the terms dictated by the European Union, these projects are likely to be put on hold for the foreseeable future. On the other hand, so long as African countries continue to listen to the IMF and World Bank, they will never reclaim their sovereign right to design their own policies, which is the indispensable step toward exploring an alternative development paradigm.

3) Better Continental Coordination
The acceleration of sub-regional integration should go hand in hand with a greater and more effective coordination at the continental level. In November 2008, the African Union Commission, the Economic Commission for Africa and the African Development Bank organized a meeting of African Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors to discuss Africa’s position on the responses to the financial crisis before the first G20 Summit in Washington, DC. At that meeting, a Committee, composed of 10 African Finance Ministers and Central and Regional Bank Governors (C10),  was formed with the mission to make recommendations on how Africa should respond to the global crises at the sub-regional and continental level.

So the crises seem to have given a new momentum to coordination of policies and greater cooperation at the continental level. Indeed, since the creation of the African Union (AU) in 2001, there seems to be a new consciousness about African economic integration and cooperation and the need for Africa to speak with one voice. The African Union Commission has taken a number of initiatives to strengthen that consciousness. It was under its sponsorship that African Ministers in charge of Economic Integration and Cooperation met in Burkina Faso in 2008 to assess the state of the integration process.

But once again, the issue of economic integration in Africa is essentially a political issue. Without a strong political commitment and will to move toward economic integration and a united Africa, nothing significant will happen. Therefore, African leaders should learn from the experiences of other regions of the Global South, especially South America. In that region, the Bolivarian Alternatives of the Americas (ALBA) and the South Bank are strengthening the solidarity and cooperation of States and peoples through closer economic, financial and political ties. .

D) Promote Policies of Collective Food Sovereignty
As indicated earlier, in the name of “free market”, structural adjustment programs (SAPs) destroyed agricultural policies put in place after independence, by dismantling parastatals that used to provide services to farmers. The IMF and World Bank compelled African countries to give priority to cash crops for exports in order to repay the external debt. As a result, food production was neglected which led to greater dependence on food imports to feed African citizens. For example, net food imports in Sub-Saharan Africa have increased from 1.3% to 1.9% of GDP between 2000 and 2007 and from 1.4% to 2.0% of GDP in West Africa during the same period.
Now the IMF and the World Bank are using the food crisis to make a comeback, while trying to hide their responsibility in the crisis of the agricultural sector in Africa.

What African countries need is to move toward policies of collective self-sufficiency in food production. Africa leaders should listen to their citizens and trust small-scale African farmers and other agricultural producers who need good public policies that would enable them to produce enough to feed the African population. Africa has water aplenty and vast arable lands, most of which are not exploited. In 2003 during an African Summit in Maputo (Mozambique), a recommendation was made to invest each year at least 10% of national budgets in agriculture. Only a few countries followed through this recommendation. The African Union Summit held in Libya (July 1-3, 2009) held a special session on agricultural policies and heads of State reiterated the pledge to invest more in agriculture to achieve “food security”. One may hope that African leaders have learned a good lesson from the food crisis and understood the urgent necessity to reverse current agricultural policies and pursue the objective food sovereignty.   

E) Resources for Financing Africa’s Development
In the short run, all financial flows to Africa in response to the financial, food and energy crises should be in the form of grants and concessional financing, not new loans, since Africa has no responsibility, whatsoever, in these crises. From that perspective, any flows to the continent by the IFIs and Western countries in the form of loans will be deemed illegitimate by African civil society organizations and pressure will bear on African governments not to repay these illegitimate loans.   

1) Moratorium and Debt Cancellation   
On the other hand, in May 2009 the Secretary General of UNCTAD called for a moratorium on the debt of “poor” countries”. African countries should support this proposal. However, African governments and institutions should seize this opportunity and take that proposal a step further by calling for the unconditional cancellation of the continent’s debt. In 2005, the African Union Commission had taken a number of initiatives to build a strong continental consensus on the continent’s external debt and this common position was instrumental in the decision made by G8 leaders at their Summit in Gleneagles in July of that year. The current crises offer an even greater opportunity to the African Union Commission to intensify the call for debt cancellation.   

One of the most important lessons to be learned by African leaders from the financial crisis is that Africa cannot count on its so-called “traditional partners”, i.e. Western countries and international financial institutions under their control. It is well known that none of the promises of “aid” to Africa has been completely fulfilled, including the one made at the G8 Summit in Scotland in 2005 to double “aid” to Africa to $50 billion a year beginning in 2010. By contrast, in 2008 and earlier this year, in just a few weeks, the United States and Europe had mobilized trillions of dollars to rescue their banks and industries. The first rescue package for AIG ($152 billion) by the US government was higher than the amount of “aid” promised in 2007 by the United States and European Union to all developing countries, estimated at $91 billion!

Therefore, African leaders should understand once for all that there must be a significant shift in the sources of financing for Africa’s development. Reclaiming its sovereign right to design its own policies goes with vigorous efforts to raise financial resources internally and the necessity to bear a greater part of the burden to finance its development. The African Development Bank (AfDB) rightly claims that “The continent needs to boost domestic resource mobilization – through financial and fiscal instruments- to support growth and investment. Addressing these issues require strategic interventions at various levels”

2) Domestic Resource Mobilization
So, African countries must put a greater emphasis on domestic resource mobilization. In this regard, African countries should adopt new monetary and fiscal policies aimed at increasing domestic savings. And the potential is huge indeed, if African countries give themselves the means to achieve this objective. In a study, Christian Aid indicates that African countries are losing close to $160 billion each year in tax revenues, as a result of tax exemptions and for lack of enforcement of agreements with foreign companies investing in various sectors, especially in the mining industry.  Dealing with weak and ineffective States, these companies resort to various means to pay lower taxes or avoid paying taxes at all. 

Therefore, to compel foreign companies to fulfill their obligations and expand the tax base, African countries need to reorganize their States into effective States able to enforce agreements and mobilize resources for development. Several international institutions have made this recommendation. UNCTAD devoted one of its reports on Africa to that issue.  It argues that it is time to build developmental States and put them at the centre of the development process in order for African countries to recover the policy space lost to neoliberal institutions over the last three decades. The Report says that such States should help African governments improve tax collection; formalize the informal sector; stop capital flight; make more productive use of remittances from African expatriates and adopt effective measures to repatriate resources held abroad.

Coordination of financial and monetary policies at the sub-regional level would put African countries in a stronger position to achieve this goal. Therefore, sub-regional economic communities have a crucial role to play in domestic resource mobilization by proposing common legalizations on capital flows and common tax policies vis a vis foreign investors.

3) South-South Cooperation and Solidarity
African economic integration will greatly benefit from building closer ties between Africa and other Southern regions. In particular, it would open a number of possibilities for non traditional financing for Africa. With the rise of new powers with substantial foreign exchange reserves and willing to build a new type of cooperation with African countries, the continent has new opportunities that should be used wisely. Already, several African countries are turning more and more to these powers, like China, India, Iran, Venezuela and Gulf countries, for loans, direct investments and joint-ventures. The South-South trade has increased from $577 billion to $1,700 billion between 1995 and 2005 and it keeps rising.  In 2008, trade between Africa and China was estimated at $107 billion, with a favorable balance for Africa.

Economic and political ties with South America are also growing. In June 2009, the President of the African Union Commission, Mr. Jean Ping, in a visit to Venezuela was quoted as saying that African countries would strengthen their cooperation with ALBA countries. He hailed the cooperation between Africa and South America in general and called for strengthening their ties at all levels. At the political level, the second Africa-South America Summit will be held in Caracas in September 2009 (9-14), after the first Summit held in November 2006 in Abuja (Nigeria).
These are very encouraging signs that a growing consciousness is taking place at the level of African leaders on the need to “look South”. Indeed, by developing its economic and financial cooperation as well as the political solidarity with the rest of the South, Africa will not only benefit from new sources of financing but also strengthen the policy space it needs to weaken the influence of “traditional partners”, especially the international financial institutions.   

4) Repatriation of Stolen/Illegal Wealth
The African Union Commission and the African Development Bank and the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) have issued a joint document calling for the cooperation of Western countries and international institutions in Africa’s efforts to get back the wealth that rightfully belongs to the African people. This is a positive development that gives a new momentum to the demand made several years ago by African civil society organizations working on the issue of Africa’s illegitimate.
This campaign for the repatriation of the wealth stolen from the African people and illegally kept abroad with the complicity of Western States and financial institutions is long overdue. Therefore, sub-regional and continental institutions should work closely with civil society organizations for a strong and sustained mobilization on that issue. With only half of the wealth illegally kept in Western banks, Africa’s development financing could be largely covered. 


NOTES

[1] Director of the African Forum on Alternatives & Member of Jubilee South International Coordinating Committee (JS/ICC), Dakar (Senegal).

[2]UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa 2008. Export Performance Following Trade Liberalization: Some Patterns and Policy Perspectives. United Nations: New York & Geneva, 2008.
[3] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009: Strengthening Regional Economic Integration for Africa’s Development. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2009

[4] UNCTAD. Economic Development in Africa. Trade Performance and Commodity Dependence. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2004.
[5] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009, op.cit, p.29
[6] ECOWAS is composed of 15 countries. It includes all 8 WAEMU members and 7 other countries, like Nigeria, Ghana, etc. Each of these 7 countries has its own currency.
[7] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2007, p.99

[8] The Committee is composed of the Finance Ministers of South Africa, Egypt, Nigeria, Cameroon and Tanzania and Central Bank Governors of Algeria, Botswana, Kenya, West African Central Bank (BCEAO), Central Bank of Central African States (BEAC) and African Development Bank President.  
[9] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2008, p. 34, table 2.3

[10] African Development Bank (2008), Ministerial Conference on the Financial Crisis, Tunis, November 12, 2008. Briefing Note No. 1: The Current Financial Crisis: Impact on African Economies
[11] Christian Aid (2008), Death and Taxes: the true toll of tax dodging. London, A Christian Aid Report (May)
[12] UNCTAD (2007), Economic Development in Africa. Reclaiming Policy Space: Domestic Resource Mobilisation and Developmental States. New York & Geneva: United Nations
[13] Le Monde Diplomatique, L’Atlas, February 2009, p. 183
[14]See Léonce Ndukumana and Hippolyte Fofack (2008), Capital Flight Repatriation. Investigation Into its Potential Gains for Sub-Saharan African countries (October 2008).



By Demba Moussa Dembele [1]

THE IMPACT OF THE CRISES ON AFRICA

The financial crisis and its transmission to the real economy are having devastating effects on Africa. According to the African Development Bank (AfDB), the average growth of the continent will be cut in half this year, from 5.9% to 2.8%, as a result of falling international demand and falling commodity prices. One illustration of that is the decline of exports projected to fall by 40% in 2009. The shortfall in exports will be compounded by the decrease in official development assistance (ODA) and remittances by African migrant workers. In 2007, these remittances were estimated at 28 billion US dollars, accounting for about 3% of the continent’s GDP. In several countries, these remittances are much higher than ODA. Private investments, in the form of foreign direct investments (FDIs) are also expected to fall sharply.

This bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. This situation in which Africa finds itself is the result of a set of neoliberal policies implemented over nearly three decades at the urging of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, joined later by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The food crisis has hit very hard several African countries and led to numerous food riots punctuated with dozens of deaths and hundreds of arrests. The food crisis has increased the external dependence of many countries and given a golden opportunity to the IMF and World Bank to expand their control over African economic policies.

REGIONAL RESPONSES FROM AFRICA
The above bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. Africa has been the main victim of ruthless neoliberal policies imposed by the IMF and World for nearly three decades, with the catastrophic economic, social and political consequences the African people are still witnessing. Therefore, the crises should be used as an opportunity by Africa to free itself from the shackles of neoliberal capitalism and explore new paths to an endogenous development with regional economic integration and cooperation as a key element in that process.

A) Challenge “Free Trade” Model and Theory.      
The first step should be to challenge neoliberal models, especially the “free trade” model. In that perspective, African regional communities must challenge “free trade” agreements, such as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) with the United
States and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the European Union.
In connection with this challenge, it is the whole ideology of “free trade” that must be challenged and rejected. Indeed, it is that theory that underpins trade liberalization. It was in the name of “free trade” and “comparative advantage” that African countries were forced to accept sweeping trade liberalization that entailed huge economic and social costs, by increasing Africa’s external dependence, destroying domestic industries, accelerating deindustrialization and hampering sub-regional economic integration.

By contrast, none of the “benefits” that were supposed to accrue from trade liberalization, according to the IMF and World Bank, was achieved. Africa’s trade performance did not improve. Assessing the record of trade liberalization in Africa since the early 1980s, UNCTAD  came to the conclusion that the results were far from expectations. Indeed, the outcome of trade liberalization in Africa could hardly be different. While the IFIs and the WTO were extolling the virtues of “free trade”, the staggering subsidies that Western countries were providing to their agricultural exporters and the disguised or open trade barriers they erected to protect their markets have made “free trade” a farce.

B) Reclaim the Debate on Africa’s Development
The collapse of market fundamentalism and the discredit of IFIs provide Africa with a golden opportunity to reclaim the debate on its development. No external force can “develop” Africa. So, Africans should restore their self-confidence, trust African expertise and promote the use of African endogenous knowledge and technology. Since development should be viewed as a multidimensional and complex process of transformation, there can be no genuine development without an active State. Proponents of State intervention have been vindicated by the demise of laisser-faire and the active State intervention in the United States and leading European countries.

However, the State is no longer the only player. It has to contend with civil society organizations which have become key players in the debate on Africa’s development. Therefore, African sub-regional and continental institutions should work with these organizations to explore an alternative development paradigm in Africa.

In the search for that paradigm, a number of key documents should be revisited. They include the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA, 1981); the African Alternative Framework to structural adjustment programs (AAF-SAPs, 1989); the Arusha Declaration on popular participation to development (1990); the Abuja Treaty on economic integration (1991), among others. All these documents were published under the leadership of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and the Organization of African Unity, which was replaced by the African Union in 2001. This shows that African sub-regional and continental institutions had played a leading role in the debate on the continent’s development before the onslaught of the neoliberal ideology. They can play that role again by initiating the update of the above documents and taking into account the contributions made by civil society organizations in the areas of gender equality, trade; debt; food sovereignty, human and social rights and so forth.

C) Accelerate Regional Integration
One of the key issues in reclaiming the debate on Africa’s development is sub-regional and continental integration. It necessary to stress again that integration is one of the keys to Africa’s survival and long-term development. This was reiterated during the Summit of African Heads of State in Sirte (Libya) on July 1-3, 2009 and stressed by UNCTAD in its latest report on Africa.   
Despite an experience of sub-regional integration for more than 30 years, Africa is lagging behind other continents in terms of concrete achievements. In 1991, African countries tried to revive the spirit of integration by signing the Abuja Treaty, which projected an African Economic Community (AEC) by 2025. In the pursuit of that objective, the Treaty called for the rationalization of sub-regional economic communities in the continent’s five sub-regions. But years later, this recommendation has yet to be implemented.

1) Integration Trough Development or Market Model?
One of the main causes of the failure or mixed results of economic integration in Africa is the model used in the sub-regional groupings. Sub-regional groupings followed the European model of integration, the market model characterized by trade liberalization aimed at stimulating trade of goods and services. The European model was justified because European countries had mature industries and saturated internal markets. Therefore, the possibility of further growth depended on access to new markets. Hence, the model of trade liberalization aimed at opening up national markets to neighboring countries’ goods and services.

In Africa, the situation was different. These countries were at the early stages of their industrialization and were exporting mainly raw materials and semi-finished goods. Even today, roughly two-thirds of the continent’s exports are composed of raw materials and semi-processed goods, according to UNCTAD.  Therefore, following the market model would not lead to integration. This is exactly what happened. After decades of integration, intra-African exports in several sub-regions account for about 10% of their overall exports. Between 2004 and 2006, intra-African exports accounted for 8.7% of the continent’s total exports while intra-African imports were estimated at 9.6% of Africa’s total imports. However, for Sub-Saharan Africa, intra-African exports accounted for 12% of total exports  
The level of trade is low or negligible even among countries sharing the same currency, the cfa franc, like the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CAEMC).Yet, the common currency was supposed to be an integrating factor by eliminating exchange rate risks and providing some kind of “economic stability” to these countries! In CAEMC, intra-regional trade is less than 2%. In WAEMU, intra-regional trade is less than 10%. Only the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)  and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) seem to have significant levels of intra-regional trade flows. For instance in 2006, UEMOA exports to ECOWAS and other African countries accounted for respectively 26% and 32%, while UEMOA imports from these groupings were respectively 20% and 23%, according to UNCTAD.

Trade should serve production and development, not the other way around. Trade cannot be an end in itself. This is why integration through the market model makes no sense in most sub-regions in Africa since sub-regional economic communities have little to exchange because the bulk of their exports is composed of commodities. By contrast, the production model could provide the economies of scale indispensable to an effective and successful industrialization strategy that would help build industries capable to transform raw materials and commodities to meet people’s basic needs. By adding more value to Africa’s products, the production model may also lay the ground for a viable regional market, which in turn would support a regional demand-led growth strategy as opposed to the export-led growth strategy imposed by the IFIs and the WTO.

2) Create Regional Currencies and New Regional Institutions
One of the obstacles to economic integration in West and Central Africa is the use of a currency inherited from French colonization, the cfa franc. Its use by the WAEMU has hampered efforts to merge that Union into ECOWAS, as recommended by the 1991 Abuja Treaty. Instead of the “benefits” the use of the cfa franc was supposed to bring, the 14 African countries using it are all classified as either “Least Developed Countries” (LDCs) and/or “Heavily Indebted Poor Countries” (HIPCs)! Moreover, while trade flows among these countries account for 10% or less of their overall trade, as already indicated, at the bilateral level, France continues to be the main trading partner of most of these countries. Their trade with the European Union (EU) accounts for more than half of their overall trade. This means that the common currency has reinforced these countries’ external dependence and the outward orientation of their economies.

The experience with the cfa franc has convinced African leaders that development cannot occur without exercising a sovereign control over their monetary policies. And it is now widely accepted that real progress toward economic integration requires abandoning the cfa franc in favor of common currencies in West and Central Africa. But so far discussions on the issue have been slow. One may hope that the current crises may open the eyes of policy makers and make them take the decisive steps toward creating new regional currencies, which can serve not only the process of economic integration but also the wider goal of an endogenous development.

Along with regional currencies, African countries need to move toward new institutions. There is a debate within the African Union Commission on setting up an African Monetary Fund (AMF) and an African Central Bank (ACB). Beyond technical difficulties, however, the main obstacle to achieving these projects is the African leadership. Building a consensus on these issues and on other key objectives depends on the political will and strong commitment of African leaders.

There is no doubt that Western countries and international financial institutions will do what they can to foil these projects and keep Africa under their control. For example, if African countries accept to sign the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), on the terms dictated by the European Union, these projects are likely to be put on hold for the foreseeable future. On the other hand, so long as African countries continue to listen to the IMF and World Bank, they will never reclaim their sovereign right to design their own policies, which is the indispensable step toward exploring an alternative development paradigm.

3) Better Continental Coordination
The acceleration of sub-regional integration should go hand in hand with a greater and more effective coordination at the continental level. In November 2008, the African Union Commission, the Economic Commission for Africa and the African Development Bank organized a meeting of African Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors to discuss Africa’s position on the responses to the financial crisis before the first G20 Summit in Washington, DC. At that meeting, a Committee, composed of 10 African Finance Ministers and Central and Regional Bank Governors (C10),  was formed with the mission to make recommendations on how Africa should respond to the global crises at the sub-regional and continental level.

So the crises seem to have given a new momentum to coordination of policies and greater cooperation at the continental level. Indeed, since the creation of the African Union (AU) in 2001, there seems to be a new consciousness about African economic integration and cooperation and the need for Africa to speak with one voice. The African Union Commission has taken a number of initiatives to strengthen that consciousness. It was under its sponsorship that African Ministers in charge of Economic Integration and Cooperation met in Burkina Faso in 2008 to assess the state of the integration process.

But once again, the issue of economic integration in Africa is essentially a political issue. Without a strong political commitment and will to move toward economic integration and a united Africa, nothing significant will happen. Therefore, African leaders should learn from the experiences of other regions of the Global South, especially South America. In that region, the Bolivarian Alternatives of the Americas (ALBA) and the South Bank are strengthening the solidarity and cooperation of States and peoples through closer economic, financial and political ties. .

D) Promote Policies of Collective Food Sovereignty
As indicated earlier, in the name of “free market”, structural adjustment programs (SAPs) destroyed agricultural policies put in place after independence, by dismantling parastatals that used to provide services to farmers. The IMF and World Bank compelled African countries to give priority to cash crops for exports in order to repay the external debt. As a result, food production was neglected which led to greater dependence on food imports to feed African citizens. For example, net food imports in Sub-Saharan Africa have increased from 1.3% to 1.9% of GDP between 2000 and 2007 and from 1.4% to 2.0% of GDP in West Africa during the same period.
Now the IMF and the World Bank are using the food crisis to make a comeback, while trying to hide their responsibility in the crisis of the agricultural sector in Africa.

What African countries need is to move toward policies of collective self-sufficiency in food production. Africa leaders should listen to their citizens and trust small-scale African farmers and other agricultural producers who need good public policies that would enable them to produce enough to feed the African population. Africa has water aplenty and vast arable lands, most of which are not exploited. In 2003 during an African Summit in Maputo (Mozambique), a recommendation was made to invest each year at least 10% of national budgets in agriculture. Only a few countries followed through this recommendation. The African Union Summit held in Libya (July 1-3, 2009) held a special session on agricultural policies and heads of State reiterated the pledge to invest more in agriculture to achieve “food security”. One may hope that African leaders have learned a good lesson from the food crisis and understood the urgent necessity to reverse current agricultural policies and pursue the objective food sovereignty.

E) Resources for Financing Africa’s Development
In the short run, all financial flows to Africa in response to the financial, food and energy crises should be in the form of grants and concessional financing, not new loans, since Africa has no responsibility, whatsoever, in these crises. From that perspective, any flows to the continent by the IFIs and Western countries in the form of loans will be deemed illegitimate by African civil society organizations and pressure will bear on African governments not to repay these illegitimate loans.

1) Moratorium and Debt Cancellation   
On the other hand, in May 2009 the Secretary General of UNCTAD called for a moratorium on the debt of “poor” countries”. African countries should support this proposal. However, African governments and institutions should seize this opportunity and take that proposal a step further by calling for the unconditional cancellation of the continent’s debt. In 2005, the African Union Commission had taken a number of initiatives to build a strong continental consensus on the continent’s external debt and this common position was instrumental in the decision made by G8 leaders at their Summit in Gleneagles in July of that year. The current crises offer an even greater opportunity to the African Union Commission to intensify the call for debt cancellation.

One of the most important lessons to be learned by African leaders from the financial crisis is that Africa cannot count on its so-called “traditional partners”, i.e. Western countries and international financial institutions under their control. It is well known that none of the promises of “aid” to Africa has been completely fulfilled, including the one made at the G8 Summit in Scotland in 2005 to double “aid” to Africa to $50 billion a year beginning in 2010. By contrast, in 2008 and earlier this year, in just a few weeks, the United States and Europe had mobilized trillions of dollars to rescue their banks and industries. The first rescue package for AIG ($152 billion) by the US government was higher than the amount of “aid” promised in 2007 by the United States and European Union to all developing countries, estimated at $91 billion!

Therefore, African leaders should understand once for all that there must be a significant shift in the sources of financing for Africa’s development. Reclaiming its sovereign right to design its own policies goes with vigorous efforts to raise financial resources internally and the necessity to bear a greater part of the burden to finance its development. The African Development Bank (AfDB) rightly claims that “The continent needs to boost domestic resource mobilization – through financial and fiscal instruments- to support growth and investment. Addressing these issues require strategic interventions at various levels”

2) Domestic Resource Mobilization
So, African countries must put a greater emphasis on domestic resource mobilization. In this regard, African countries should adopt new monetary and fiscal policies aimed at increasing domestic savings. And the potential is huge indeed, if African countries give themselves the means to achieve this objective. In a study, Christian Aid indicates that African countries are losing close to $160 billion each year in tax revenues, as a result of tax exemptions and for lack of enforcement of agreements with foreign companies investing in various sectors, especially in the mining industry.  Dealing with weak and ineffective States, these companies resort to various means to pay lower taxes or avoid paying taxes at all.

Therefore, to compel foreign companies to fulfill their obligations and expand the tax base, African countries need to reorganize their States into effective States able to enforce agreements and mobilize resources for development. Several international institutions have made this recommendation. UNCTAD devoted one of its reports on Africa to that issue.  It argues that it is time to build developmental States and put them at the centre of the development process in order for African countries to recover the policy space lost to neoliberal institutions over the last three decades. The Report says that such States should help African governments improve tax collection; formalize the informal sector; stop capital flight; make more productive use of remittances from African expatriates and adopt effective measures to repatriate resources held abroad.

Coordination of financial and monetary policies at the sub-regional level would put African countries in a stronger position to achieve this goal. Therefore, sub-regional economic communities have a crucial role to play in domestic resource mobilization by proposing common legalizations on capital flows and common tax policies vis a vis foreign investors.

3) South-South Cooperation and Solidarity
African economic integration will greatly benefit from building closer ties between Africa and other Southern regions. In particular, it would open a number of possibilities for non traditional financing for Africa. With the rise of new powers with substantial foreign exchange reserves and willing to build a new type of cooperation with African countries, the continent has new opportunities that should be used wisely. Already, several African countries are turning more and more to these powers, like China, India, Iran, Venezuela and Gulf countries, for loans, direct investments and joint-ventures. The South-South trade has increased from $577 billion to $1,700 billion between 1995 and 2005 and it keeps rising.  In 2008, trade between Africa and China was estimated at $107 billion, with a favorable balance for Africa.

Economic and political ties with South America are also growing. In June 2009, the President of the African Union Commission, Mr. Jean Ping, in a visit to Venezuela was quoted as saying that African countries would strengthen their cooperation with ALBA countries. He hailed the cooperation between Africa and South America in general and called for strengthening their ties at all levels. At the political level, the second Africa-South America Summit will be held in Caracas in September 2009 (9-14), after the first Summit held in November 2006 in Abuja (Nigeria).
These are very encouraging signs that a growing consciousness is taking place at the level of African leaders on the need to “look South”. Indeed, by developing its economic and financial cooperation as well as the political solidarity with the rest of the South, Africa will not only benefit from new sources of financing but also strengthen the policy space it needs to weaken the influence of “traditional partners”, especially the international financial institutions.

4) Repatriation of Stolen/Illegal Wealth
The African Union Commission and the African Development Bank and the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) have issued a joint document calling for the cooperation of Western countries and international institutions in Africa’s efforts to get back the wealth that rightfully belongs to the African people. This is a positive development that gives a new momentum to the demand made several years ago by African civil society organizations working on the issue of Africa’s illegitimate.
This campaign for the repatriation of the wealth stolen from the African people and illegally kept abroad with the complicity of Western States and financial institutions is long overdue. Therefore, sub-regional and continental institutions should work closely with civil society organizations for a strong and sustained mobilization on that issue. With only half of the wealth illegally kept in Western banks, Africa’s development financing could be largely covered.




NOTES

[1] Director of the African Forum on Alternatives & Member of Jubilee South International Coordinating Committee (JS/ICC), Dakar (Senegal).

[2]UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa 2008. Export Performance Following Trade Liberalization: Some Patterns and Policy Perspectives. United Nations: New York & Geneva, 2008.
[3] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009: Strengthening Regional Economic Integration for Africa’s Development. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2009

[4] UNCTAD. Economic Development in Africa. Trade Performance and Commodity Dependence. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2004.
[5] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009, op.cit, p.29
[6] ECOWAS is composed of 15 countries. It includes all 8 WAEMU members and 7 other countries, like Nigeria, Ghana, etc. Each of these 7 countries has its own currency.
[7] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2007, p.99

[8] The Committee is composed of the Finance Ministers of South Africa, Egypt, Nigeria, Cameroon and Tanzania and Central Bank Governors of Algeria, Botswana, Kenya, West African Central Bank (BCEAO), Central Bank of Central African States (BEAC) and African Development Bank President.  
[9] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2008, p. 34, table 2.3

[10] African Development Bank (2008), Ministerial Conference on the Financial Crisis, Tunis, November 12, 2008. Briefing Note No. 1: The Current Financial Crisis: Impact on African Economies
[11] Christian Aid (2008), Death and Taxes: the true toll of tax dodging. London, A Christian Aid Report (May)
[12] UNCTAD (2007), Economic Development in Africa. Reclaiming Policy Space: Domestic Resource Mobilisation and Developmental States. New York & Geneva: United Nations
[13] Le Monde Diplomatique, L’Atlas, February 2009, p. 183
[14]See Léonce Ndukumana and Hippolyte Fofack (2008), Capital Flight Repatriation. Investigation Into its Potential Gains for Sub-Saharan African countries (October 2008).



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, pharm Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal (DOWNLOAD
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments


– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, Sala 1, click Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments


– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE of GOVERNMENTS and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

DATES: 21 and 22 July 2009
VENUE: PRODEPA, ambulance Sala 1,
Consejo Nacional del Deporte, Asunción del Paraguay
TIME: 9am-20pm


PROGRAME


21 JULY

09:00–09:30

Opening: Greeting from organisers

– Enrique Daza, Executive Secretary, Hemispheric Social Alliance, Colombia
– Brid Brennan, TNI/Peoples’ Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, Netherlands
– Guillermo Ortega, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay
– Héctor Lacognata, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay

09:30–11:30 Systemic Crisis, impacts of the crisis on regional integration processes

– Juan Gonzalez, MOSIP, Argentina
– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines
– Tetteh Hormeku, TWN/ATN, Ghana

Moderation

Cecilia Olivet,

TNI, Netherlands

11:30-13:30 Regional responses to the crises

– Juan Castillo, Secretary for International Relations PIT-CNT, Uruguay

– Demba Moussa Dembele, African Forum on Alternatives, Senegal (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION)
– Joy Chavez, Focus on the Global South, Philippines
– Frederic Viale, ATTAC France

Moderation

José Miguel Hernández,

CTC Nacional/ CC-ASC, Cuba

13:30-15:00 Lunch
15:00-17:30 Regional Integration: Re-thinking the development model. Complementarity versus competition. Integration and Asymmetries

– Jorge Lara Castro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paraguay
– Oscar Laborde, Government Argentina

– Tomas Palau, Base IS, Iniciativa Paraguaya por la Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

– Graciela Rodriguez, REBRIP, Brazil

– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa

– Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia

Moderation

Gonzalo Berrón,

ASC/CSA, Brazil

17:30-18:00 Coffee break
18:00-20:00 Development Model and Infrastructure
– Guilherme Carvalho, Rede Brasil sobre  Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais, Brazil
– Ricardo Miranda, Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), Bolivia
– Michelle Pressend, Trade Strategy Group, South Africa

Moderation

Ximana Centellas,

Directora General de

Gestión Pública,

Viceministerio de

Coordinación y Gestión Gubernamental, Bolivia


22 JULY


09:00-10:45 Energy Crisis and Climate Change: the challenge to find regional solutions

– Walden Bello, Member of Parliament, Philippines

– Pablo Bertinat, Cono Sur Sustentable, Argentina
– Roberto Colman, Coordinadora Soberanía Energética, Paraguay
– Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Accion, Spain

Moderation
Fernando Rojas, Decidamos,

Iniciativa Paraguaya por la

Integración de los Pueblos, Paraguay

10:45-11:00 Coffe Break
11:00-13:00 Production model and Food Sovereignty

– Juan José Dominguez, Member of Parliament, MPP–FA, Uruguay

– Rabindra Adhikari, Member of Parliament, Nepal
– Indra Lubis, La Via Campesina, Indonesia
– Lodwick Chizarura, SEATINI, Zimbabwe
– Francisca Rodriguez, CONAMURI/CLOC, Chile

Moderation

Sebastián Valdomir, Redes Amigos de la Tierra, Uruguay

13:00-14:00 Lunch
14:00–16:00 Finances and development model: New financial structures: (Bank of the South, regional currencies, etc)
– Pedro Paez, President of the Ecuadorian Presidential Technical Commission for the New Regional Financial Architecture and Bank of the South, Ecuador
– Beverly Keene, Jubilee South, Argentina
– Ivan Lukas, Glopolis, Czech Republic

Moderation

Veronique Sandoval, Espace Marx, France

16:00-17:00 Regional Peace, Democracy and Human Rights

– Lee, Seung-Heon, Chief External Relations Department of the Korea Democratic Labor Party, South Korea
– Camille Chalmers, Campaign for Demilitarisation of the Americas, Haiti

– Meena Menon, Focus on the Global South, India
– Thomas Wallgren, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam, Finland (DOWNLOAD PRESENTATION)
– Pezo Mateo-Phiri, SAPSN, Zambia

Moderation

Ramon Corvalan, SERPAJ

Paraguay/ Iniciativa

Paraguaya por la integracion de los Pueblos, Paraguay

17:00–17:30 Coffee break
17:30–20:00

Round Table: Regional Integration: challenges for the movements and the governments


– Chacho Alvarez, President Committee of Permanent Representatives of MERCOSUR, Argentina
– Ana Cristina Betancourt Garcia, Ministerio de Autonomía, Bolivia
– Gustavo Codas, Government Paraguay
– Franklin Gonzalez, Government Venezuela
– Edgardo Lander, Universidad Central de Venezuela/TNI, Venezuela
– Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South/MP, Philippines
– Nalu Farias, World March of Women, Brazil
– Brid Brennan, TNI, Netherlands
– Dot Keet, SAPSN, South Africa
Moderation
Héctor de la Cueva, RMALC, México


Co- Organisers
Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PAAR), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with
Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Trade Strategy Group, Jubilee South, REBRIP, Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Coalition for comprehensive democracy – Vasudhaiva Kutumkakam and Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by
Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur

With the contribution of
Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Christian Aid and Action Aid


By Demba Moussa Dembele [1]

* Presentation given at International Conference of governments and social movements “Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises” (21 and 22 July 2009, Asunción del Paraguay)


THE IMPACT OF THE CRISES ON AFRICA

The financial crisis and its transmission to the real economy are having devastating effects on Africa. According to the African Development Bank (AfDB), the average growth of the continent will be cut in half this year, from 5.9% to 2.8%, as a result of falling international demand and falling commodity prices. One illustration of that is the decline of exports projected to fall by 40% in 2009. The shortfall in exports will be compounded by the decrease in official development assistance (ODA) and remittances by African migrant workers. In 2007, these remittances were estimated at 28 billion US dollars, accounting for about 3% of the continent’s GDP. In several countries, these remittances are much higher than ODA. Private investments, in the form of foreign direct investments (FDIs) are also expected to fall sharply.

This bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. This situation in which Africa finds itself is the result of a set of neoliberal policies implemented over nearly three decades at the urging of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, joined later by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The food crisis has hit very hard several African countries and led to numerous food riots punctuated with dozens of deaths and hundreds of arrests. The food crisis has increased the external dependence of many countries and given a golden opportunity to the IMF and World Bank to expand their control over African economic policies.

REGIONAL RESPONSES FROM AFRICA
The above bleak picture shows that Africa is paying a heavy price for the crises in which it has no responsibility. Africa has been the main victim of ruthless neoliberal policies imposed by the IMF and World for nearly three decades, with the catastrophic economic, social and political consequences the African people are still witnessing. Therefore, the crises should be used as an opportunity by Africa to free itself from the shackles of neoliberal capitalism and explore new paths to an endogenous development with regional economic integration and cooperation as a key element in that process.

A) Challenge “Free Trade” Model and Theory.
The first step should be to challenge neoliberal models, especially the “free trade” model. In that perspective, African regional communities must challenge “free trade” agreements, such as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) with the United
States and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the European Union.
In connection with this challenge, it is the whole ideology of “free trade” that must be challenged and rejected. Indeed, it is that theory that underpins trade liberalization. It was in the name of “free trade” and “comparative advantage” that African countries were forced to accept sweeping trade liberalization that entailed huge economic and social costs, by increasing Africa’s external dependence, destroying domestic industries, accelerating deindustrialization and hampering sub-regional economic integration.

By contrast, none of the “benefits” that were supposed to accrue from trade liberalization, according to the IMF and World Bank, was achieved. Africa’s trade performance did not improve. Assessing the record of trade liberalization in Africa since the early 1980s, UNCTAD  came to the conclusion that the results were far from expectations. Indeed, the outcome of trade liberalization in Africa could hardly be different. While the IFIs and the WTO were extolling the virtues of “free trade”, the staggering subsidies that Western countries were providing to their agricultural exporters and the disguised or open trade barriers they erected to protect their markets have made “free trade” a farce.

B) Reclaim the Debate on Africa’s Development
The collapse of market fundamentalism and the discredit of IFIs provide Africa with a golden opportunity to reclaim the debate on its development. No external force can “develop” Africa. So, Africans should restore their self-confidence, trust African expertise and promote the use of African endogenous knowledge and technology. Since development should be viewed as a multidimensional and complex process of transformation, there can be no genuine development without an active State. Proponents of State intervention have been vindicated by the demise of laisser-faire and the active State intervention in the United States and leading European countries.

However, the State is no longer the only player. It has to contend with civil society organizations which have become key players in the debate on Africa’s development. Therefore, African sub-regional and continental institutions should work with these organizations to explore an alternative development paradigm in Africa.

In the search for that paradigm, a number of key documents should be revisited. They include the Lagos Plan of Action (LPA, 1981); the African Alternative Framework to structural adjustment programs (AAF-SAPs, 1989); the Arusha Declaration on popular participation to development (1990); the Abuja Treaty on economic integration (1991), among others. All these documents were published under the leadership of the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and the Organization of African Unity, which was replaced by the African Union in 2001. This shows that African sub-regional and continental institutions had played a leading role in the debate on the continent’s development before the onslaught of the neoliberal ideology. They can play that role again by initiating the update of the above documents and taking into account the contributions made by civil society organizations in the areas of gender equality, trade; debt; food sovereignty, human and social rights and so forth.

C) Accelerate Regional Integration
One of the key issues in reclaiming the debate on Africa’s development is sub-regional and continental integration. It necessary to stress again that integration is one of the keys to Africa’s survival and long-term development. This was reiterated during the Summit of African Heads of State in Sirte (Libya) on July 1-3, 2009 and stressed by UNCTAD in its latest report on Africa.   
Despite an experience of sub-regional integration for more than 30 years, Africa is lagging behind other continents in terms of concrete achievements. In 1991, African countries tried to revive the spirit of integration by signing the Abuja Treaty, which projected an African Economic Community (AEC) by 2025. In the pursuit of that objective, the Treaty called for the rationalization of sub-regional economic communities in the continent’s five sub-regions. But years later, this recommendation has yet to be implemented.

1) Integration Trough Development or Market Model?
One of the main causes of the failure or mixed results of economic integration in Africa is the model used in the sub-regional groupings. Sub-regional groupings followed the European model of integration, the market model characterized by trade liberalization aimed at stimulating trade of goods and services. The European model was justified because European countries had mature industries and saturated internal markets. Therefore, the possibility of further growth depended on access to new markets. Hence, the model of trade liberalization aimed at opening up national markets to neighboring countries’ goods and services.

In Africa, the situation was different. These countries were at the early stages of their industrialization and were exporting mainly raw materials and semi-finished goods. Even today, roughly two-thirds of the continent’s exports are composed of raw materials and semi-processed goods, according to UNCTAD.  Therefore, following the market model would not lead to integration. This is exactly what happened. After decades of integration, intra-African exports in several sub-regions account for about 10% of their overall exports. Between 2004 and 2006, intra-African exports accounted for 8.7% of the continent’s total exports while intra-African imports were estimated at 9.6% of Africa’s total imports. However, for Sub-Saharan Africa, intra-African exports accounted for 12% of total exports  
The level of trade is low or negligible even among countries sharing the same currency, the cfa franc, like the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CAEMC).Yet, the common currency was supposed to be an integrating factor by eliminating exchange rate risks and providing some kind of “economic stability” to these countries! In CAEMC, intra-regional trade is less than 2%. In WAEMU, intra-regional trade is less than 10%. Only the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)  and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) seem to have significant levels of intra-regional trade flows. For instance in 2006, UEMOA exports to ECOWAS and other African countries accounted for respectively 26% and 32%, while UEMOA imports from these groupings were respectively 20% and 23%, according to UNCTAD.

Trade should serve production and development, not the other way around. Trade cannot be an end in itself. This is why integration through the market model makes no sense in most sub-regions in Africa since sub-regional economic communities have little to exchange because the bulk of their exports is composed of commodities. By contrast, the production model could provide the economies of scale indispensable to an effective and successful industrialization strategy that would help build industries capable to transform raw materials and commodities to meet people’s basic needs. By adding more value to Africa’s products, the production model may also lay the ground for a viable regional market, which in turn would support a regional demand-led growth strategy as opposed to the export-led growth strategy imposed by the IFIs and the WTO.

2) Create Regional Currencies and New Regional Institutions
One of the obstacles to economic integration in West and Central Africa is the use of a currency inherited from French colonization, the cfa franc. Its use by the WAEMU has hampered efforts to merge that Union into ECOWAS, as recommended by the 1991 Abuja Treaty. Instead of the “benefits” the use of the cfa franc was supposed to bring, the 14 African countries using it are all classified as either “Least Developed Countries” (LDCs) and/or “Heavily Indebted Poor Countries” (HIPCs)! Moreover, while trade flows among these countries account for 10% or less of their overall trade, as already indicated, at the bilateral level, France continues to be the main trading partner of most of these countries. Their trade with the European Union (EU) accounts for more than half of their overall trade. This means that the common currency has reinforced these countries’ external dependence and the outward orientation of their economies.

The experience with the cfa franc has convinced African leaders that development cannot occur without exercising a sovereign control over their monetary policies. And it is now widely accepted that real progress toward economic integration requires abandoning the cfa franc in favor of common currencies in West and Central Africa. But so far discussions on the issue have been slow. One may hope that the current crises may open the eyes of policy makers and make them take the decisive steps toward creating new regional currencies, which can serve not only the process of economic integration but also the wider goal of an endogenous development.

Along with regional currencies, African countries need to move toward new institutions. There is a debate within the African Union Commission on setting up an African Monetary Fund (AMF) and an African Central Bank (ACB). Beyond technical difficulties, however, the main obstacle to achieving these projects is the African leadership. Building a consensus on these issues and on other key objectives depends on the political will and strong commitment of African leaders.

There is no doubt that Western countries and international financial institutions will do what they can to foil these projects and keep Africa under their control. For example, if African countries accept to sign the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), on the terms dictated by the European Union, these projects are likely to be put on hold for the foreseeable future. On the other hand, so long as African countries continue to listen to the IMF and World Bank, they will never reclaim their sovereign right to design their own policies, which is the indispensable step toward exploring an alternative development paradigm.

3) Better Continental Coordination
The acceleration of sub-regional integration should go hand in hand with a greater and more effective coordination at the continental level. In November 2008, the African Union Commission, the Economic Commission for Africa and the African Development Bank organized a meeting of African Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors to discuss Africa’s position on the responses to the financial crisis before the first G20 Summit in Washington, DC. At that meeting, a Committee, composed of 10 African Finance Ministers and Central and Regional Bank Governors (C10),  was formed with the mission to make recommendations on how Africa should respond to the global crises at the sub-regional and continental level.

So the crises seem to have given a new momentum to coordination of policies and greater cooperation at the continental level. Indeed, since the creation of the African Union (AU) in 2001, there seems to be a new consciousness about African economic integration and cooperation and the need for Africa to speak with one voice. The African Union Commission has taken a number of initiatives to strengthen that consciousness. It was under its sponsorship that African Ministers in charge of Economic Integration and Cooperation met in Burkina Faso in 2008 to assess the state of the integration process.

But once again, the issue of economic integration in Africa is essentially a political issue. Without a strong political commitment and will to move toward economic integration and a united Africa, nothing significant will happen. Therefore, African leaders should learn from the experiences of other regions of the Global South, especially South America. In that region, the Bolivarian Alternatives of the Americas (ALBA) and the South Bank are strengthening the solidarity and cooperation of States and peoples through closer economic, financial and political ties. .

D) Promote Policies of Collective Food Sovereignty
As indicated earlier, in the name of “free market”, structural adjustment programs (SAPs) destroyed agricultural policies put in place after independence, by dismantling parastatals that used to provide services to farmers. The IMF and World Bank compelled African countries to give priority to cash crops for exports in order to repay the external debt. As a result, food production was neglected which led to greater dependence on food imports to feed African citizens. For example, net food imports in Sub-Saharan Africa have increased from 1.3% to 1.9% of GDP between 2000 and 2007 and from 1.4% to 2.0% of GDP in West Africa during the same period.
Now the IMF and the World Bank are using the food crisis to make a comeback, while trying to hide their responsibility in the crisis of the agricultural sector in Africa.

What African countries need is to move toward policies of collective self-sufficiency in food production. Africa leaders should listen to their citizens and trust small-scale African farmers and other agricultural producers who need good public policies that would enable them to produce enough to feed the African population. Africa has water aplenty and vast arable lands, most of which are not exploited. In 2003 during an African Summit in Maputo (Mozambique), a recommendation was made to invest each year at least 10% of national budgets in agriculture. Only a few countries followed through this recommendation. The African Union Summit held in Libya (July 1-3, 2009) held a special session on agricultural policies and heads of State reiterated the pledge to invest more in agriculture to achieve “food security”. One may hope that African leaders have learned a good lesson from the food crisis and understood the urgent necessity to reverse current agricultural policies and pursue the objective food sovereignty.

E) Resources for Financing Africa’s Development
In the short run, all financial flows to Africa in response to the financial, food and energy crises should be in the form of grants and concessional financing, not new loans, since Africa has no responsibility, whatsoever, in these crises. From that perspective, any flows to the continent by the IFIs and Western countries in the form of loans will be deemed illegitimate by African civil society organizations and pressure will bear on African governments not to repay these illegitimate loans.

1) Moratorium and Debt Cancellation
On the other hand, in May 2009 the Secretary General of UNCTAD called for a moratorium on the debt of “poor” countries”. African countries should support this proposal. However, African governments and institutions should seize this opportunity and take that proposal a step further by calling for the unconditional cancellation of the continent’s debt. In 2005, the African Union Commission had taken a number of initiatives to build a strong continental consensus on the continent’s external debt and this common position was instrumental in the decision made by G8 leaders at their Summit in Gleneagles in July of that year. The current crises offer an even greater opportunity to the African Union Commission to intensify the call for debt cancellation.

One of the most important lessons to be learned by African leaders from the financial crisis is that Africa cannot count on its so-called “traditional partners”, i.e. Western countries and international financial institutions under their control. It is well known that none of the promises of “aid” to Africa has been completely fulfilled, including the one made at the G8 Summit in Scotland in 2005 to double “aid” to Africa to $50 billion a year beginning in 2010. By contrast, in 2008 and earlier this year, in just a few weeks, the United States and Europe had mobilized trillions of dollars to rescue their banks and industries. The first rescue package for AIG ($152 billion) by the US government was higher than the amount of “aid” promised in 2007 by the United States and European Union to all developing countries, estimated at $91 billion!

Therefore, African leaders should understand once for all that there must be a significant shift in the sources of financing for Africa’s development. Reclaiming its sovereign right to design its own policies goes with vigorous efforts to raise financial resources internally and the necessity to bear a greater part of the burden to finance its development. The African Development Bank (AfDB) rightly claims that “The continent needs to boost domestic resource mobilization – through financial and fiscal instruments- to support growth and investment. Addressing these issues require strategic interventions at various levels”

2) Domestic Resource Mobilization
So, African countries must put a greater emphasis on domestic resource mobilization. In this regard, African countries should adopt new monetary and fiscal policies aimed at increasing domestic savings. And the potential is huge indeed, if African countries give themselves the means to achieve this objective. In a study, Christian Aid indicates that African countries are losing close to $160 billion each year in tax revenues, as a result of tax exemptions and for lack of enforcement of agreements with foreign companies investing in various sectors, especially in the mining industry.  Dealing with weak and ineffective States, these companies resort to various means to pay lower taxes or avoid paying taxes at all.

Therefore, to compel foreign companies to fulfill their obligations and expand the tax base, African countries need to reorganize their States into effective States able to enforce agreements and mobilize resources for development. Several international institutions have made this recommendation. UNCTAD devoted one of its reports on Africa to that issue.  It argues that it is time to build developmental States and put them at the centre of the development process in order for African countries to recover the policy space lost to neoliberal institutions over the last three decades. The Report says that such States should help African governments improve tax collection; formalize the informal sector; stop capital flight; make more productive use of remittances from African expatriates and adopt effective measures to repatriate resources held abroad.

Coordination of financial and monetary policies at the sub-regional level would put African countries in a stronger position to achieve this goal. Therefore, sub-regional economic communities have a crucial role to play in domestic resource mobilization by proposing common legalizations on capital flows and common tax policies vis a vis foreign investors.

3) South-South Cooperation and Solidarity
African economic integration will greatly benefit from building closer ties between Africa and other Southern regions. In particular, it would open a number of possibilities for non traditional financing for Africa. With the rise of new powers with substantial foreign exchange reserves and willing to build a new type of cooperation with African countries, the continent has new opportunities that should be used wisely. Already, several African countries are turning more and more to these powers, like China, India, Iran, Venezuela and Gulf countries, for loans, direct investments and joint-ventures. The South-South trade has increased from $577 billion to $1,700 billion between 1995 and 2005 and it keeps rising.  In 2008, trade between Africa and China was estimated at $107 billion, with a favorable balance for Africa.

Economic and political ties with South America are also growing. In June 2009, the President of the African Union Commission, Mr. Jean Ping, in a visit to Venezuela was quoted as saying that African countries would strengthen their cooperation with ALBA countries. He hailed the cooperation between Africa and South America in general and called for strengthening their ties at all levels. At the political level, the second Africa-South America Summit will be held in Caracas in September 2009 (9-14), after the first Summit held in November 2006 in Abuja (Nigeria).
These are very encouraging signs that a growing consciousness is taking place at the level of African leaders on the need to “look South”. Indeed, by developing its economic and financial cooperation as well as the political solidarity with the rest of the South, Africa will not only benefit from new sources of financing but also strengthen the policy space it needs to weaken the influence of “traditional partners”, especially the international financial institutions.

4) Repatriation of Stolen/Illegal Wealth
The African Union Commission and the African Development Bank and the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) have issued a joint document calling for the cooperation of Western countries and international institutions in Africa’s efforts to get back the wealth that rightfully belongs to the African people. This is a positive development that gives a new momentum to the demand made several years ago by African civil society organizations working on the issue of Africa’s illegitimate.
This campaign for the repatriation of the wealth stolen from the African people and illegally kept abroad with the complicity of Western States and financial institutions is long overdue. Therefore, sub-regional and continental institutions should work closely with civil society organizations for a strong and sustained mobilization on that issue. With only half of the wealth illegally kept in Western banks, Africa’s development financing could be largely covered.




NOTES

[1] Director of the African Forum on Alternatives & Member of Jubilee South International Coordinating Committee (JS/ICC), Dakar (Senegal).

[2]UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa 2008. Export Performance Following Trade Liberalization: Some Patterns and Policy Perspectives. United Nations: New York & Geneva, 2008.
[3] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009: Strengthening Regional Economic Integration for Africa’s Development. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2009

[4] UNCTAD. Economic Development in Africa. Trade Performance and Commodity Dependence. New York & Geneva: United Nations, 2004.
[5] UNCTAD, Economic Development in Africa Report 2009, op.cit, p.29
[6] ECOWAS is composed of 15 countries. It includes all 8 WAEMU members and 7 other countries, like Nigeria, Ghana, etc. Each of these 7 countries has its own currency.
[7] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2007, p.99

[8] The Committee is composed of the Finance Ministers of South Africa, Egypt, Nigeria, Cameroon and Tanzania and Central Bank Governors of Algeria, Botswana, Kenya, West African Central Bank (BCEAO), Central Bank of Central African States (BEAC) and African Development Bank President.  
[9] UNCTAD, Trade and Development Report, 2008, p. 34, table 2.3

[10] African Development Bank (2008), Ministerial Conference on the Financial Crisis, Tunis, November 12, 2008. Briefing Note No. 1: The Current Financial Crisis: Impact on African Economies
[11] Christian Aid (2008), Death and Taxes: the true toll of tax dodging. London, A Christian Aid Report (May)
[12] UNCTAD (2007), Economic Development in Africa. Reclaiming Policy Space: Domestic Resource Mobilisation and Developmental States. New York & Geneva: United Nations
[13] Le Monde Diplomatique, L’Atlas, February 2009, p. 183
[14]See Léonce Ndukumana and Hippolyte Fofack (2008), Capital Flight Repatriation. Investigation Into its Potential Gains for Sub-Saharan African countries (October 2008).




MARCELO I. SAGUIER

Facultad Latinoamerica de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO), try here  Argentina


El documento analiza la formación de una coalición transnacional de organizaciones de sociedades civiles coordinadas por la Alianza Social Hemisférica para oponerse al establecimiento de un área de libre comercio entre las Américas. La Alianza Social Hemisférica, purchase help representando sindicatos laborales, movimientos sociales, indígenas, organizaciones del medio ambiente y civiles a lo largo de las Américas, ha servido como mediadora entre múltiples expresiones de resistencia a procesos neoliberales con raíces locales/nacionales y una estrategia más amplia a nivel hemisférico, para lograr una forma sostenible y democrática de alternativa de desarrollo al proyecto de un Área de Libre Comercio entre las Américas (FTAA, por sus siglas en inglés). El documento explora los retos y oportunidades de la Alianza Social Hemisférica (HSA, por sus siglas en inglés) trazando un método del proceso político de la sociología de movimientos sociales, para construir alternativas políticas al plan del proyecto del FTAA. El argumento central es que mientras se logro ? un progreso significativo mediante la HSA al definir una base de consenso hemisférico para un plan político alternativo, permanece el reto de asegurar que el proceso de elaborar tales alternativas sea democra ?tico e incluya a la base y a los sectores populares. Por un lado, debe haber un equilibrio entre la necesidad de la capacidad de ampliar la Alianza Social Hemisférica (HSA, por sus siglas en inglés), para movilizar a las fuerzas sociales críticas del continente en una campaña contra el FTAA y, por el otro lado, para asegurarla cohesión de una coalición que se amplía cada vez más bajo la tensión por la alineación de nuevos sectores y actores.



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Asunción, 23 y 24 de julio de 2009

Nosotras y nosotros, ask organizaciones sociales y políticas de diferentes países y continentes, y pueblos originarios, nos reunimos en la ciudad de Asunción los días 23 y 24 de julio de 2009, en la Cumbre de los Pueblos del Sur “Protagonismo popular, construyendo soberanía” para debatir la coyuntura actual de la crisis del sistema capitalista y las salidas frente a ésta.

Nos plantean desde los poderes estatales, financieros y mediáticos que la crisis que atravesamos es una crisis financiera que puede ser resuelta con la inyección de fondos al Fondo Monetario Internacional y el Banco Mundial. Nunca en la historia del capitalismo se había otorgado tal cantidad de dinero para el salvataje de las empresas privadas. Así se benefician unos pocos que no casualmente son quienes causaron la crisis en un primer lugar. El objetivo del salvataje es entonces que el casino financiero siga funcionando, mientras millones de personas permanecen en la indigencia.

A la par, también promueven la idea de que estamos atravesando una crisis alimentaria diciendo que es a causa de que países como India y China están hoy aumentando su consumo diario de alimento. Pero esta argumentación no muestra que hay un nuevo patrón de producción basado en biotecnologías de avanzada que provocan la destrucción de la agricultura familiar-campesina, y las costumbres campesinas e indígenas.

Este modelo productivo basado en la agricultura mecanizada, extensiva e intensiva, con el uso masivo de transgénicos y agrotóxicos, impacta directamente sobre el medio ambiente, destruyendo y afectando muy fuertemente el clima del planeta. Es por esto que el segundo acuífero mas grande del mundo, el Acuífero Guaraní, está en grave peligro de contaminación por la implementación de este modelo extractivo de desarrollo que está ubicado justamente en las zonas de recarga de dicho acuífero.

Esto viene de la mano de la idea de que estamos viviendo una crisis energética, lo cual coincidió con una campaña mundial impulsada por países como EEUU y Brasil, donde se plantea la necesidad de aumentar la escala del monocultivo de soja, maíz y caña de azúcar para la producción de etanol y biocombustibles.

Frente a esto, nuestra conclusión es que se trata de una crisis integral del capitalismo, que no es momentánea y que no se va a solucionar con la inyección masiva de capitales. Esta crisis integral pone al desnudo el modelo de desarrollo imperante. La respuesta a esta crisis integral debe ser también integral. Hay que transformar el modelo de desarrollo para salir de la crisis. Esto quiere decir que tenemos que construir un proyecto propio desde los pueblos de América Latina.

Por ello hoy estamos en el proceso de construcción y reivindicación de la soberanía alimentaria desde y para los pueblos. Creemos en la necesidad de una producción autónoma, autogestionada y comunitaria, así como la distribución popular e igualitaria. Defendemos el derecho a alimentarnos sanamente, y por ello resistimos desde la defensa de las semillas y la producción agroecológica. Es imprescindible rescatar la memoria y el patrimonio para el saber identitario, desde la pluriculturalidad y desde la puesta en el centro del territorio como base de la identidad cultural. Asimismo, exigimos el diseño de políticas públicas que garanticen la soberanía alimentaria.

Creemos que en el proceso de devastación de nuestros recursos continentales, los pueblos originarios son los principales afectados. En ese sentido, exigimos políticas claras que vayan en el camino de la autodeterminación y soberanía de los pueblos originarios. Una de estas políticas es la generación de espacios nacionales de negociación colectiva en el marco del Convenio 169 de la OIT, así como la conformación de Paritarias Sociales por comunidad.

Reivindicamos la necesidad de construcción de una soberanía energética donde los pueblos podamos disponer libremente de nuestras fuentes de energía así como buscar los modos más convenientes para lograrlo. Vemos esta necesidad particularmente hoy en el caso paraguayo, donde se ha convertido en una causa nacional la recuperación de la soberanía energética sobre las represas de Ytaypu con Brasil y de Yacyreta con Argentina. Aquí reclamamos la revisión de las deudas binacionales y la posibilidad de que el pueblo paraguayo goce de libre disponibilidad y obtenga el precio justo sobre el 50% de la energía allí generada.

A su vez, impulsamos la creación del movimiento de víctimas de cambio climático y la instalación de los tribunales de los pueblos sobre justicia climática. Es central lograr el fortalecimiento de las legislaciones, pero fundamentalmente garantizar el funcionamiento de la justicia hacia las comunidades y territorios más vulnerables como afectados por el cambio climático y la deuda ecológicas. En el mismo sentido, exigimos la incorporación de políticas climáticas en las políticas públicas. Exigimos a los gobiernos del Mercosur que reclamen a los responsables del Norte el reconocimiento y pago de la deuda ecológica en todas las negociaciones internacionales. Y hacemos un llamado a la movilización global por la justicia climática en el marco de la reunión cumbre de Naciones Unidas sobre cambio climático en Copenhague.

También sabemos de la necesidad de construir soberanía financiera desde nuestros países, donde nos paremos en contra del pago de las deudas ilegítimas adquiridas a espaldas de nuestros pueblos. Tomamos el compromiso desde nuestros movimientos y organizaciones de realizar una Auditoría integral ciudadana de las deudas financieras, sociales y ecológicas generadas por la construcción y funcionamiento de Ytaypu y Yacyreta, y el reclamo a los gobiernos involucrados (Paraguay-Brasil-Argentina) de hacer lo mismo. Exigimos la restitución y reparación de las deudas ecológicas, sociales, económicas, etc. Asimismo, ahora más que nunca precisamos avanzar en la construcción de alternativas de soberanía financiera que respondan a las necesidades y los derechos de nuestros pueblos y la madre tierra. Al respecto, denunciamos la lentitud, la falta de diálogo y las trabas que siguen obstaculizando la creación del Banco del Sur. Reclamamos su inmediata puesta en funcionamiento, resguardando el principio de “un país-un voto” en todas sus instancias y niveles de decisión, y la necesidad de que esté al servicio de una integración desde los pueblos y para la transformación del modelo productivo vigente.

Exigimos que además se abran espacios y mecanismos formales de información y participación de la sociedad en la creación y funcionamiento del Banco del Sur. Llamamos a los movimientos y organizaciones sociales a multiplicar las acciones de sensibilización, debate y movilización acerca de la creación de este y otros instrumentos de una nueva arquitectura regional, como podrían ser una unidad de cuenta suramericana, como el sucre, y un sistema regional de reservas.

Apoyamos la decisión de los gobiernos de Bolivia y recientemente de Ecuador de salir del CIADI, mecanismo de solución de controversias sobre inversiones dependiente del Banco Mundial. Demandamos que los países de la región asuman igual compromiso, así como avancen en el rechazo de los Tratados Bilaterales de Inversión (TBI). Rechazamos cualquier forma de tratado comercial que violente la soberanía de los pueblos.

A su vez, repudiamos la represión constante y la criminalización de las luchas de campesinos y campesinas por obtener un pedazo de tierra. Esto sucede en todo el continente, pero se ve hoy con mayor crudeza en Paraguay. Estas represiones se volvieron sistemáticas y se realizan bajo el amparo de fiscales y jueces, que las hacen parecer legales. Exigimos el cese de las políticas de criminalización de la pobreza y de judicialización de la lucha social, así como la derogación de las llamadas leyes antiterroristas. Asimismo reclamamos el desprocesamiento de todos los luchadores y luchadoras sociales en toda América Latina.

Del mismo modo, rechazamos la militarización creciente del continente promovida por los Estados Unidos y sus aliados en la región y exigimos el retiro de la IV flota de Estados Unidos en el Atlántico; el fin de los ejercicios militares conjuntos con los Estados Unidos; el levantamiento de todas las bases y asentamientos militares extranjeros y la no instalación de nuevas bases; la eliminación de la fortaleza militar de la OTAN en Malvinas; la suspensión del envío de efectivos a la Escuela de las Américas u otros institutos similares; el fin de las misiones militares de Estados Unidos en nuestros países; la derogación de las inmunidades concedidas a los efectivos militares de las bases de Estados Unidos instaladas en nuestros países y castigar a los responsables de las violaciones sobre las poblaciones, particularmente a las mujeres.

También expresamos nuestro rechazo al golpe de estado perpetrado recientemente en Honduras y exigimos la inmediata restitución de Manuel Zelaya, legítimo presidente electo por este pueblo hermano. Apoyamos la lucha del pueblo hondureño por la institucionalidad democrática y el derecho a sostener al presidente que ellos mismos se han puesto. De la misma manera, repudiamos firmemente la violencia militar y policial ejercida contra este pueblo.

Alentamos la iniciativa del grupo del ALBA en convocar a sus asociados y hacer declaraciones de apoyo al gobierno de Zelaya. De la misma forma, los pueblos debemos esforzarnos de profundizar las diferentes alternativas de integración regionales que buscan enfrentar al sistema capitalista desde otro modelo. Del mismo modo, creemos que sería importante que los presidentes del Mercosur avancen en el mismo camino.

Es por todo esto que nosotros y nosotras hoy seguimos en el camino de la construcción de una integración latinoamericana desde los pueblos, fortaleciendo nuestra identidad regional. Sabemos que para ello debemos seguir en este proceso de lucha de nuestros pueblos para construir un nuevo sujeto que sea el protagonista de su historia y de su cultura.

Asunción, 23 y 24 de julio de 2009

Asunción, sovaldi sale 23 y 24 de julio de 2009
Nosotras y nosotros, organizaciones sociales y políticas de diferentes países y continentes, y pueblos originarios, nos reunimos en la ciudad de Asunción los días 23 y 24 de julio de 2009, en la Cumbre de los Pueblos del Sur “Protagonismo popular, construyendo soberanía” para debatir la coyuntura actual de la crisis del sistema capitalista y las salidas frente a ésta.
Nos plantean desde los poderes estatales, financieros y mediáticos que la crisis que atravesamos es una crisis financiera que puede ser resuelta con la inyección de fondos al Fondo Monetario Internacional y el Banco Mundial. Nunca en la historia del capitalismo se había otorgado tal cantidad de dinero para el salvataje de las empresas privadas. Así se benefician unos pocos que no casualmente son quienes causaron la crisis en un primer lugar. El objetivo del salvataje es entonces que el casino financiero siga funcionando, mientras millones de personas permanecen en la indigencia.
A la par, también promueven la idea de que estamos atravesando una crisis alimentaria diciendo que es a causa de que países como India y China están hoy aumentando su consumo diario de alimento. Pero esta argumentación no muestra que hay un nuevo patrón de producción basado en biotecnologías de avanzada que provocan la destrucción de la agricultura familiar-campesina, y las costumbres campesinas e indígenas.
Este modelo productivo basado en la agricultura mecanizada, extensiva e intensiva, con el uso masivo de transgénicos y agrotóxicos, impacta directamente sobre el medio ambiente, destruyendo y afectando muy fuertemente el clima del planeta. Es por esto que el segundo acuífero mas grande del mundo, el Acuífero Guaraní, está en grave peligro de contaminación por la implementación de este modelo extractivo de desarrollo que está ubicado justamente en las zonas de recarga de dicho acuífero.
Esto viene de la mano de la idea de que estamos viviendo una crisis energética, lo cual coincidió con una campaña mundial impulsada por países como EEUU y Brasil, donde se plantea la necesidad de aumentar la escala del monocultivo de soja, maíz y caña de azúcar para la producción de etanol y biocombustibles.
Frente a esto, nuestra conclusión es que se trata de una crisis integral del capitalismo, que no es momentánea y que no se va a solucionar con la inyección masiva de capitales. Esta crisis integral pone al desnudo el modelo de desarrollo imperante. La respuesta a esta crisis integral debe ser también integral. Hay que transformar el modelo de desarrollo para salir de la crisis. Esto quiere decir que tenemos que construir un proyecto propio desde los pueblos de América Latina.
Por ello hoy estamos en el proceso de construcción y reivindicación de la soberanía alimentaria desde y para los pueblos. Creemos en la necesidad de una producción autónoma, autogestionada y comunitaria, así como la distribución popular e igualitaria. Defendemos el derecho a alimentarnos sanamente, y por ello resistimos desde la defensa de las semillas y la producción agroecológica. Es imprescindible rescatar la memoria y el patrimonio para el saber identitario, desde la pluriculturalidad y desde la puesta en el centro del territorio como base de la identidad cultural. Asimismo, exigimos el diseño de políticas públicas que garanticen la soberanía alimentaria.
Creemos que en el proceso de devastación de nuestros recursos continentales, los pueblos originarios son los principales afectados. En ese sentido, exigimos políticas claras que vayan en el camino de la autodeterminación y soberanía de los pueblos originarios. Una de estas políticas es la generación de espacios nacionales de negociación colectiva en el marco del Convenio 169 de la OIT, así como la conformación de Paritarias Sociales por comunidad.
Reivindicamos la necesidad de construcción de una soberanía energética donde los pueblos podamos disponer libremente de nuestras fuentes de energía así como buscar los modos más convenientes para lograrlo. Vemos esta necesidad particularmente hoy en el caso paraguayo, donde se ha convertido en una causa nacional la recuperación de la soberanía energética sobre las represas de Ytaypu con Brasil y de Yacyreta con Argentina. Aquí reclamamos la revisión de las deudas binacionales y la posibilidad de que el pueblo paraguayo goce de libre disponibilidad y obtenga el precio justo sobre el 50% de la energía allí generada.
A su vez, impulsamos la creación del movimiento de víctimas de cambio climático y la instalación de los tribunales de los pueblos sobre justicia climática. Es central lograr el fortalecimiento de las legislaciones, pero fundamentalmente garantizar el funcionamiento de la justicia hacia las comunidades y territorios más vulnerables como afectados por el cambio climático y la deuda ecológicas. En el mismo sentido, exigimos la incorporación de políticas climáticas en las políticas públicas. Exigimos a los gobiernos del Mercosur que reclamen a los responsables del Norte el reconocimiento y pago de la deuda ecológica en todas las negociaciones internacionales. Y hacemos un llamado a la movilización global por la justicia climática en el marco de la reunión cumbre de Naciones Unidas sobre cambio climático en Copenhague.
También sabemos de la necesidad de construir soberanía financiera desde nuestros países, donde nos paremos en contra del pago de las deudas ilegítimas adquiridas a espaldas de nuestros pueblos. Tomamos el compromiso desde nuestros movimientos y organizaciones de realizar una Auditoría integral ciudadana de las deudas financieras, sociales y ecológicas generadas por la construcción y funcionamiento de Ytaypu y Yacyreta, y el reclamo a los gobiernos involucrados (Paraguay-Brasil-Argentina) de hacer lo mismo. Exigimos la restitución y reparación de las deudas ecológicas, sociales, económicas, etc. Asimismo, ahora más que nunca precisamos avanzar en la construcción de alternativas de soberanía financiera que respondan a las necesidades y los derechos de nuestros pueblos y la madre tierra. Al respecto, denunciamos la lentitud, la falta de diálogo y las trabas que siguen obstaculizando la creación del Banco del Sur. Reclamamos su inmediata puesta en funcionamiento, resguardando el principio de “un país-un voto” en todas sus instancias y niveles de decisión, y la necesidad de que esté al servicio de una integración desde los pueblos y para la transformación del modelo productivo vigente.
Exigimos que además se abran espacios y mecanismos formales de información y participación de la sociedad en la creación y funcionamiento del Banco del Sur. Llamamos a los movimientos y organizaciones sociales a multiplicar las acciones de sensibilización, debate y movilización acerca de la creación de este y otros instrumentos de una nueva arquitectura regional, como podrían ser una unidad de cuenta suramericana, como el sucre, y un sistema regional de reservas.
Apoyamos la decisión de los gobiernos de Bolivia y recientemente de Ecuador de salir del CIADI, mecanismo de solución de controversias sobre inversiones dependiente del Banco Mundial. Demandamos que los países de la región asuman igual compromiso, así como avancen en el rechazo de los Tratados Bilaterales de Inversión (TBI). Rechazamos cualquier forma de tratado comercial que violente la soberanía de los pueblos.
A su vez, repudiamos la represión constante y la criminalización de las luchas de campesinos y campesinas por obtener un pedazo de tierra. Esto sucede en todo el continente, pero se ve hoy con mayor crudeza en Paraguay. Estas represiones se volvieron sistemáticas y se realizan bajo el amparo de fiscales y jueces, que las hacen parecer legales. Exigimos el cese de las políticas de criminalización de la pobreza y de judicialización de la lucha social, así como la derogación de las llamadas leyes antiterroristas. Asimismo reclamamos el desprocesamiento de todos los luchadores y luchadoras sociales en toda América Latina.
Del mismo modo, rechazamos la militarización creciente del continente promovida por los Estados Unidos y sus aliados en la región y exigimos el retiro de la IV flota de Estados Unidos en el Atlántico; el fin de los ejercicios militares conjuntos con los Estados Unidos; el levantamiento de todas las bases y asentamientos militares extranjeros y la no instalación de nuevas bases; la eliminación de la fortaleza militar de la OTAN en Malvinas; la suspensión del envío de efectivos a la Escuela de las Américas u otros institutos similares; el fin de las misiones militares de Estados Unidos en nuestros países; la derogación de las inmunidades concedidas a los efectivos militares de las bases de Estados Unidos instaladas en nuestros países y castigar a los responsables de las violaciones sobre las poblaciones, particularmente a las mujeres.
También expresamos nuestro rechazo al golpe de estado perpetrado recientemente en Honduras y exigimos la inmediata restitución de Manuel Zelaya, legítimo presidente electo por este pueblo hermano. Apoyamos la lucha del pueblo hondureño por la institucionalidad democrática y el derecho a sostener al presidente que ellos mismos se han puesto. De la misma manera, repudiamos firmemente la violencia militar y policial ejercida contra este pueblo.
Alentamos la iniciativa del grupo del ALBA en convocar a sus asociados y hacer declaraciones de apoyo al gobierno de Zelaya. De la misma forma, los pueblos debemos esforzarnos de profundizar las diferentes alternativas de integración regionales que buscan enfrentar al sistema capitalista desde otro modelo. Del mismo modo, creemos que sería importante que los presidentes del Mercosur avancen en el mismo camino.
Es por todo esto que nosotros y nosotras hoy seguimos en el camino de la construcción de una integración latinoamericana desde los pueblos, fortaleciendo nuestra identidad regional. Sabemos que para ello debemos seguir en este proceso de lucha de nuestros pueblos para construir un nuevo sujeto que sea el protagonista de su historia y de su cultura.
Asunción, 23 y 24 de julio de 2009
Asunción, click 23 y 24 de julio de 2009
Nosotras y nosotros, sick organizaciones sociales y políticas de diferentes países y continentes, physician y pueblos originarios, nos reunimos en la ciudad de Asunción los días 23 y 24 de julio de 2009, en la Cumbre de los Pueblos del Sur “Protagonismo popular, construyendo soberanía” para debatir la coyuntura actual de la crisis del sistema capitalista y las salidas frente a ésta.
Nos plantean desde los poderes estatales, financieros y mediáticos que la crisis que atravesamos es una crisis financiera que puede ser resuelta con la inyección de fondos al Fondo Monetario Internacional y el Banco Mundial. Nunca en la historia del capitalismo se había otorgado tal cantidad de dinero para el salvataje de las empresas privadas. Así se benefician unos pocos que no casualmente son quienes causaron la crisis en un primer lugar. El objetivo del salvataje es entonces que el casino financiero siga funcionando, mientras millones de personas permanecen en la indigencia.
A la par, también promueven la idea de que estamos atravesando una crisis alimentaria diciendo que es a causa de que países como India y China están hoy aumentando su consumo diario de alimento. Pero esta argumentación no muestra que hay un nuevo patrón de producción basado en biotecnologías de avanzada que provocan la destrucción de la agricultura familiar-campesina, y las costumbres campesinas e indígenas.
Este modelo productivo basado en la agricultura mecanizada, extensiva e intensiva, con el uso masivo de transgénicos y agrotóxicos, impacta directamente sobre el medio ambiente, destruyendo y afectando muy fuertemente el clima del planeta. Es por esto que el segundo acuífero mas grande del mundo, el Acuífero Guaraní, está en grave peligro de contaminación por la implementación de este modelo extractivo de desarrollo que está ubicado justamente en las zonas de recarga de dicho acuífero.
Esto viene de la mano de la idea de que estamos viviendo una crisis energética, lo cual coincidió con una campaña mundial impulsada por países como EEUU y Brasil, donde se plantea la necesidad de aumentar la escala del monocultivo de soja, maíz y caña de azúcar para la producción de etanol y biocombustibles.
Frente a esto, nuestra conclusión es que se trata de una crisis integral del capitalismo, que no es momentánea y que no se va a solucionar con la inyección masiva de capitales. Esta crisis integral pone al desnudo el modelo de desarrollo imperante. La respuesta a esta crisis integral debe ser también integral. Hay que transformar el modelo de desarrollo para salir de la crisis. Esto quiere decir que tenemos que construir un proyecto propio desde los pueblos de América Latina.
Por ello hoy estamos en el proceso de construcción y reivindicación de la soberanía alimentaria desde y para los pueblos. Creemos en la necesidad de una producción autónoma, autogestionada y comunitaria, así como la distribución popular e igualitaria. Defendemos el derecho a alimentarnos sanamente, y por ello resistimos desde la defensa de las semillas y la producción agroecológica. Es imprescindible rescatar la memoria y el patrimonio para el saber identitario, desde la pluriculturalidad y desde la puesta en el centro del territorio como base de la identidad cultural. Asimismo, exigimos el diseño de políticas públicas que garanticen la soberanía alimentaria.
Creemos que en el proceso de devastación de nuestros recursos continentales, los pueblos originarios son los principales afectados. En ese sentido, exigimos políticas claras que vayan en el camino de la autodeterminación y soberanía de los pueblos originarios. Una de estas políticas es la generación de espacios nacionales de negociación colectiva en el marco del Convenio 169 de la OIT, así como la conformación de Paritarias Sociales por comunidad.
Reivindicamos la necesidad de construcción de una soberanía energética donde los pueblos podamos disponer libremente de nuestras fuentes de energía así como buscar los modos más convenientes para lograrlo. Vemos esta necesidad particularmente hoy en el caso paraguayo, donde se ha convertido en una causa nacional la recuperación de la soberanía energética sobre las represas de Ytaypu con Brasil y de Yacyreta con Argentina. Aquí reclamamos la revisión de las deudas binacionales y la posibilidad de que el pueblo paraguayo goce de libre disponibilidad y obtenga el precio justo sobre el 50% de la energía allí generada.
A su vez, impulsamos la creación del movimiento de víctimas de cambio climático y la instalación de los tribunales de los pueblos sobre justicia climática. Es central lograr el fortalecimiento de las legislaciones, pero fundamentalmente garantizar el funcionamiento de la justicia hacia las comunidades y territorios más vulnerables como afectados por el cambio climático y la deuda ecológicas. En el mismo sentido, exigimos la incorporación de políticas climáticas en las políticas públicas. Exigimos a los gobiernos del Mercosur que reclamen a los responsables del Norte el reconocimiento y pago de la deuda ecológica en todas las negociaciones internacionales. Y hacemos un llamado a la movilización global por la justicia climática en el marco de la reunión cumbre de Naciones Unidas sobre cambio climático en Copenhague.
También sabemos de la necesidad de construir soberanía financiera desde nuestros países, donde nos paremos en contra del pago de las deudas ilegítimas adquiridas a espaldas de nuestros pueblos. Tomamos el compromiso desde nuestros movimientos y organizaciones de realizar una Auditoría integral ciudadana de las deudas financieras, sociales y ecológicas generadas por la construcción y funcionamiento de Ytaypu y Yacyreta, y el reclamo a los gobiernos involucrados (Paraguay-Brasil-Argentina) de hacer lo mismo. Exigimos la restitución y reparación de las deudas ecológicas, sociales, económicas, etc. Asimismo, ahora más que nunca precisamos avanzar en la construcción de alternativas de soberanía financiera que respondan a las necesidades y los derechos de nuestros pueblos y la madre tierra. Al respecto, denunciamos la lentitud, la falta de diálogo y las trabas que siguen obstaculizando la creación del Banco del Sur. Reclamamos su inmediata puesta en funcionamiento, resguardando el principio de “un país-un voto” en todas sus instancias y niveles de decisión, y la necesidad de que esté al servicio de una integración desde los pueblos y para la transformación del modelo productivo vigente.
Exigimos que además se abran espacios y mecanismos formales de información y participación de la sociedad en la creación y funcionamiento del Banco del Sur. Llamamos a los movimientos y organizaciones sociales a multiplicar las acciones de sensibilización, debate y movilización acerca de la creación de este y otros instrumentos de una nueva arquitectura regional, como podrían ser una unidad de cuenta suramericana, como el sucre, y un sistema regional de reservas.
Apoyamos la decisión de los gobiernos de Bolivia y recientemente de Ecuador de salir del CIADI, mecanismo de solución de controversias sobre inversiones dependiente del Banco Mundial. Demandamos que los países de la región asuman igual compromiso, así como avancen en el rechazo de los Tratados Bilaterales de Inversión (TBI). Rechazamos cualquier forma de tratado comercial que violente la soberanía de los pueblos.
A su vez, repudiamos la represión constante y la criminalización de las luchas de campesinos y campesinas por obtener un pedazo de tierra. Esto sucede en todo el continente, pero se ve hoy con mayor crudeza en Paraguay. Estas represiones se volvieron sistemáticas y se realizan bajo el amparo de fiscales y jueces, que las hacen parecer legales. Exigimos el cese de las políticas de criminalización de la pobreza y de judicialización de la lucha social, así como la derogación de las llamadas leyes antiterroristas. Asimismo reclamamos el desprocesamiento de todos los luchadores y luchadoras sociales en toda América Latina.
Del mismo modo, rechazamos la militarización creciente del continente promovida por los Estados Unidos y sus aliados en la región y exigimos el retiro de la IV flota de Estados Unidos en el Atlántico; el fin de los ejercicios militares conjuntos con los Estados Unidos; el levantamiento de todas las bases y asentamientos militares extranjeros y la no instalación de nuevas bases; la eliminación de la fortaleza militar de la OTAN en Malvinas; la suspensión del envío de efectivos a la Escuela de las Américas u otros institutos similares; el fin de las misiones militares de Estados Unidos en nuestros países; la derogación de las inmunidades concedidas a los efectivos militares de las bases de Estados Unidos instaladas en nuestros países y castigar a los responsables de las violaciones sobre las poblaciones, particularmente a las mujeres.
También expresamos nuestro rechazo al golpe de estado perpetrado recientemente en Honduras y exigimos la inmediata restitución de Manuel Zelaya, legítimo presidente electo por este pueblo hermano. Apoyamos la lucha del pueblo hondureño por la institucionalidad democrática y el derecho a sostener al presidente que ellos mismos se han puesto. De la misma manera, repudiamos firmemente la violencia militar y policial ejercida contra este pueblo.
Alentamos la iniciativa del grupo del ALBA en convocar a sus asociados y hacer declaraciones de apoyo al gobierno de Zelaya. De la misma forma, los pueblos debemos esforzarnos de profundizar las diferentes alternativas de integración regionales que buscan enfrentar al sistema capitalista desde otro modelo. Del mismo modo, creemos que sería importante que los presidentes del Mercosur avancen en el mismo camino.
Es por todo esto que nosotros y nosotras hoy seguimos en el camino de la construcción de una integración latinoamericana desde los pueblos, fortaleciendo nuestra identidad regional. Sabemos que para ello debemos seguir en este proceso de lucha de nuestros pueblos para construir un nuevo sujeto que sea el protagonista de su historia y de su cultura.
Asunción, 23 y 24 de julio de 2009

From participants in the conference “Regional Integration: A new opportunity to face the crisis”, discount Asunción, Paraguay, July 21-22, 2009

We, representatives of social movements, labour and civil society organisations from Latin America, Africa, Asia and Europe, who are meeting in Asunción to discuss the vital importance of regional responses to the current global crisis, call upon the heads of state meeting in Asunción for the Mercosur Summit to decisively agree and implement new modalities for developmental cooperation that serves the needs of the peoples of the regions.

Such new modalities must, in the first instance, fundamentally revise the unjust terms of the Itaipu energy agreement signed decades ago between the dictatorship governments of Brazil and Paraguay. Energy is Paraguay’s chief resource which can be used to develop a sustainable economy and thereby improve the lives of its people. The social movements and Government of Paraguay have demanded the sovereign right of the country to 50 percent of the energy from the Itaipu and Yacyreta projects, and revision of the debt from the building of the dam. We see these as fair and just demands.

On the basis of this highly significant case and in order to ensure that such projects, based on imbalanced power relations between neighbouring countries, are not in future replicated anywhere in our respective regions, we strongly urge that region-wide frameworks of equity principles regulating such joint projects and programs must be created through collective negotiations involving all the regional governments . These, in turn, must include active engagements and inputs from organised social and labour forces from throughout the respective regions.

It was in this spirit of cooperation that the conference included the participation of parliamentarians from various countries in these regions, and direct dialogue with government spokespersons. Some of the critical issues that were discussed were:
* The urgent necessity for governments to create regional financial policy instruments such as regional development banks to defend their economies and peoples against the destructive effects of neo-liberal globalized capitalism.
* The recognition that regional integration must be based on solidarity principles and programs of complementarity based on appropriate accommodation to the different sizes, resources and levels of development of participating countries in order to transform the development models towards balanced and equitable production systems between all the countries, localities and peoples.
* In this context, the strategic importance of taking active stands to reverse the coup-de-etat in Honduras and the displacement of a legally elected government by anti-democratic forces which is aimed not only against the Zelaya government but at reversing the progressive trends in the region in order to maintain the capital accumulation system, favouring the interests of transnational corporations from the US and Europe.
* The imperative urgency of creating modalities and means of effective participation by social and labour movements and communities to evolve strategies of regional cooperation from a holistic and sustainable perspective and with true sovereignty of the peoples.

We see this moment as an historical conjuncture for the world when the crisis has exposed the fundamentally unstable functioning and dangerous effects of the global capitalist system. It is also an opportunity to challenge the currently dominant global economic and political regime, and devise people-centered and ecologically sound alternatives. We are confident that the Latin American people and governments will play a significant role in the formulation and evolution of such alternatives together with all the regions and peoples of the world in the interests of our shared planetary home and common future.

Asuncion del Paraguay, 22 July 2009

Invitation: International Conference of governments and social movements

“Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises”

paraguay_conference_en

21 and 22 July 2009, Consejo Nacional del Deporte,
Asunción del Paraguay


Co- Organisers

Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), Iniciativa Paraguaya para la Integración de los Pueblos, People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms (PARA), Focus on the Global South and Transnational Institute (TNI)

In cooperation with

Trade Union Confederation of the Americas (TUCA), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), People’s SAARC, Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy (SAPA), TWN Africa, Jubilee South,

Transform Europe, ATTAC France, Ecologistas en Acción

Supported by

Paraguayan Presidency Pro-tempore of Mercosur




Regional Integration: an opportunity to face the crises

Finding solutions to the crises (economic, energy, food and climate) is urgent, and today it is at the core of the agenda of both social movements and governments. For countries in the different regions, regional integration appears as a way to overcome the global economic crisis through the development of solidarity and dynamic intra-regional economic ties.

In this context, re-thinking regional integration as a solution to the crisis can give a powerful impulse to building an alternative development project in each region (Latin America, Asia, Africa and Europe) that is more sustainable and equitable than the current development model which countries follow today.

However, the current regional spaces are contested arenas. It is crucial, therefore, that social movements and governments search and seek for common strategies.

The objective of this International Conference will be to advance the debate among governments, regional/international bodies, policy makers, parliamentarians and social movements from the following regions: Mercosur, Andean Community, ALBA, SADC, SAARC, ASEAN and EU about the possibilities to respond to these crises through regional alternatives and a model of regional integration that promotes a change in the development model of the regions.

The Conference is organised as a series of round tables for dialogue bringing together parliamentarians, governments and civil society representatives from Latin America, Africa, Asia and Europe.

What is the Initiative People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms?

The initiative People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms, involves regional alliances such as Hemispheric Social Alliance (Latin America), Southern African People’s Solidarity Network- SAPSN (Southern Africa), Solidarity for Asian People’s Advocacy – SAPA (South East Asia), People’s SAARC (South Asia) as well as organisations and networks in Europe, including Transnational Institute (TNI), that struggle for “Another Europe”. These networks and the organisations part of them, share a strong commitment on the need to RECLAIM the regions, RECREATE the processes of regional integration and ADVANCE people-centered regional alternatives.

The People’s Agenda for Alternative Regionalisms is an effort to promote cross-fertilisation of experiences on regional alternatives among social movements and civil society organisations from Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe and contribute to the understanding of alternative regional integration as a key strategy to struggle against neoliberal globalisation to broaden the base among key social actors for political debate and action around regional integration.

Specifically, it aims to build trans-regional processes to develop the concept of “people’s integration”, articulate the development of new analyses and insights on key regional issues, expose the problems of neoliberal regional integration and the limits of the export-led integration model, share and develop joint tactics and strategies for critical engagement with regional integration processes as well as the development of people’s alternatives.

For more information visit: www.alternative-regionalisms.org

This Conference was made possible with the contribution of Oxfam/Novib, Oxfam Internacional, Cristian Aid and Action Aid